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In a very exciting personal milestone, my first book chapter was published today in "Strategy and Airpower in the East and South China Sea: China, the United States, and Great Power Rivalry", part of the Cass Military Studies series from Routledge.
One thing I particularly like about this visualisation is the way it clearly categorises and distinguishes between the different kinds of partnerships present in the Pacific. (1/5)
There have been more than 50 security arrangements signed by the 14 Pacific Islands countries. The @CSIS @AustraliaChair has a new interactive tool, “Mapping Security Influence in the Pacific” tracking all that's been going on.
Check it out here:
csis.org/programs/australia-…
It's something I've given a little thought to in the context of the Australia-Nauru Treaty and Falepili Union, seeing as the Australian government recognises four allies 🇳🇿🇺🇸🇵🇬🇫🇯 but separately guarantees the security of Naoero and Tuvalu. (4/5)
David M. Andrews retweeted
ENDEX for Exercise #BersamaLima.
From firing our main gun to air defence exercises in a task group, we were able to operate seamlessly with our allies and further our objectives towards a stable Indo Pacific region 🫡
#StrongerTogether
#FPDA
🇦🇺🇲🇾🇳🇿🇸🇬🇬🇧
Together Five
Patrol ships @hms_tamar and @HMS_Spey joined our Commonwealth allies on #BersamaLima - the annual test of the military of the Five Powers Defence Arrangement to safeguard security and prosperity in the South China Sea region. 🇦🇺🇲🇾🇳🇿🇸🇬🇬🇧
🔗 royalnavy.mod.uk/news/2026/o…
David M. Andrews retweeted
One of our closest and most important partners, the relationship between the ADF and the TNI continues to grow and deepen.
Terima Kasih!
David M. Andrews retweeted
That’s a wrap on Exercise Keris Woomera: the ADF’s biennial exercise with 🇮🇩 and our largest overseas training activity this year.
Nine days, 1,000 #yourADF, over 1,200 Indonesian National Armed Forces personnel training and exercising together in and around Indonesia.
David M. Andrews retweeted
That's a wrap. 🇦🇺 🇮🇩
Australia and Indonesia have successfully concluded Exercise Keris Woomera, the Australian Defence Force’s largest overseas training activity for 2026.
The exercise brought together about 1000 ADF personnel and more than 1200 members of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) to conduct complex training across maritime, land, air and cyber domains.
Over nine days of combined joint training in East Java, the Bali Sea and surrounding maritime areas, the exercise strengthened interoperability between the two nations, enhancing their ability to respond to shared regional security challenges together.
Read more 🗞️ spr.ly/6015BHwPVz
#YourADF #StrongerTogether @AustralianArmy @Australian_Navy @AusAirForce @Puspen_TNI @tni_ad @_TNIAL_ @dfat @DubesAustralia @KonJenSurabaya @INAEmbAUS
David M. Andrews retweeted
Your country might be great but does it follow Australia’s lead by colour-coordinating its currency with the nation’s favourite snack foods?
Australia 🇦🇺 & Timor-Leste 🇹🇱 have just announced a range of new cyber sec, disaster response, maritime policing, and digital forensics initiatives as well as a new Defence Cooperation Framework incl. deeper cooperation on maritime sec, HADR, peacekeeping.
David M. Andrews retweeted
HMS Tamar and HMS Spey have completed 10-day exercise Bersama Lima 2026, alongside forces from Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand and Singapore.
Participants included 🇸🇬RSS Intrepid, 🇦🇺HMAS Stalwart and 🇲🇾KD Lekir, together with submarines and aircraft conducting ASW, air defence, maritime security operations and naval gunfire support drills. HMS Tamar also embarked a RNZN boarding team to practise intercepting vessels suspected of illegal fishing and drug smuggling.
The exercise demonstrated the endurance of the Five Power Defence Arrangements established more than 50 years ago.
HMS Spey will continue patrols and diplomatic engagements in Southeast Asia, while HMS Tamar heads towards Australia and New Zealand via Pacific island nations for further maritime security operations.
David M. Andrews retweeted
Things are moving so fast that everyone seems to have completely missed how insane it is that AI companies have been allowed to unleash agentic AI products with no regulatory guidelines.
SCOOP: Major U.S. banks are detecting unauthorized third-party AI agents inside customer accounts, including some attempting to take actions that appear to be independent of user instructions, sources told Axios.
The findings have alarmed banking executives, who are racing to restrict access to their systems as AI moves at a velocity faster than financial institutions can respond, multiple industry and bank executives told Axios.
Several banks are now preparing for worst-case and even “day after” scenarios, including how to rapidly secure or restore customer accounts if things go wrong, the people said.
Several bank executives told Axios they're struggling to distinguish between human users and AI agents. One executive said banks also struggle to determine whether agents are authorized by customers or potentially operating without their permission, more akin to rogue agent behavior.
Read my latest for Axios here: axios.com/2026/10/22/ai-agen…
David M. Andrews retweeted
Scoop: ABC has wiped staff devices exposed to malicious ads from an Israeli company that used digital advertising to hack and track devices without a click.
ABC is just one of many Australian government/critical infra/media orgs reportedly targeted
I spent quite a lot of time in government trying to think through how to revive the Commonwealth but all of this thinking was depending on Botchwey taking a different line from Scotland on the organisation’s purpose: that it should not essentially be a biannual summit for the Caribbean to pressure Britain to pay reparations.
That, as CHOGM in Antigua approaches, has not come to pass. The summit attendance is barren with none of the major middle power leaders who have no interest in such a media fracas. Seen from Delhi in particular the whole things seems eccentric and self harming. However, Britain still needs a plan. Our objective should be as follows.
First, the organisation itself should be left to the Palace to steer into a kind of Royal super NGO and convening platform. But the organisation itself is so badly run and dysfunctional even this however is a challenge. It is not a British organisation of course but belongs to the member states equally. Yet if the Palace wishes to have conversation about post-colonial legacy, an NGO-like civil society gathering, not an inter-governmental summit with a communique is the appropriate venue to do good cultural work.
Second, the UK should wind down political investment and encourage others to do the same. Realistically this should involve the UK delaying summits, ending funding and slowly ending Prime Ministerial attendance. Efforts should be invested instead to develop a CANZUK summit as the key summit where with those leaders we engage allies through a non-hijacked platform and secretariat. That is the kind of format, G7-like, an Indian-leader might wish to attend and where work could be achieved. The King’s desire for CHOGM to continue as before is not a good enough reason for the foreign policy damage and time wasting.
Third, the brand Commonwealth should be salvaged by the UK working with India and CANZUK states to host a major investment summit open to all member states. Building something functional, in this new format without a broken secretariat in charge, will do vastly more for our reach and prestige than clinging to something that is essentially just a poorly attended summit that actually harms our reputation and post-colonial relationships by providing the premier venue for the Caribbean reparations campaign.
Needless to say the King’s presence can be integrated into all this new summitry. But this, not His Majesty is the essential. In an important way, the Commonwealth’s early evolution post-war was a way for Attlee and Churchill to engage with Nehru. We need to build totally new summit with this brand around investment that can work again with India, not be hostage to what is an old, broken and counterproductive format. Investment, of course, not manufactured dead end rows are ultimately what the Global South needs too.
It is time to admit that the Commonwealth does not only not serve its purpose, but works against its premise of post-imperial comity.
This is because it has become a little more than a poorly attended biannual summit whose only purpose seems to be to for Caribbean countries to lobby Britain for reparations. This does nothing but worsen these relationships.
My view was Botchwey was the last chance to try and pull the organisation back from this dead end but this had clearly failed. CHOGM is going ahead without any major reforms to its structure or meaningful agenda, resented by those in government involved in it as a result.
It is now only a matter of time before Prime Ministers stop attending our next King cuts the cord and eventually a new CANZUK-type summit or body is pursued.
David M. Andrews retweeted
**Pacific Defence Tracker** Update:
The Pacific Defence Diplomacy Project Tracker led by @TNCPacific and myself has been updated to include 2025 data. The interactive Tracker - which now covers the period 2018-2025 - 1/
David M. Andrews retweeted
Indonesia is a trusted partner & the closest of friends to Australia.
It was an honour to be the first Foreign Minister to call on Indonesian FM Arrmanatha Nasir
I look forward to working closely together to strengthen our relationship & drive implementation of the Jakarta Treaty
David M. Andrews retweeted
New: Why Should We Care What Southeast Asia Wants from the Quad?
The “Quad” - Australia, India, Japan and the United States - insists it isn’t here to make anyone choose sides, while Southeast Asia keeps saying “Please don’t make us choose sides.” So if everyone agrees, why is cooperation still so hard?
Arzan Tarapore @arzandc, Visiting Fellow at the Hoover Institution, returns to preview a white paper built by experts he convened from Vietnam, Indonesia and Singapore, asking how those countries would react if the Quad stepped up maritime security cooperation. He explains why the controversial grouping cut its agenda to just four lines of effort at its July 2025 foreign ministers’ meeting, and why a more modest Quad may be a more credible one.
The headline findings: the Quad’s capacity-building activities are far more acceptable than the reflexive “Southeast Asia won’t like it” suggests. The partner with the most capacity, the United States, is also the most provocative, while India is the reverse. Experts disagreed on whether bringing Southeast Asian countries into Quad activities is more or less provocative than the Quad acting alone.
On geography, meanwhile, there was no disagreement at all: the Indian Ocean is far less provocative than the South China Sea, which is why the Quad’s new Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Collaboration Initiative was placed in the IO.
Jim and @GordianKnotRay press: How does ASEAN centrality square with ASEAN having no security mandate? Were early critics right that the Quad was too broad to deliver anything? (“I fear that it was.”) Does “modest” just mean less consequential?
Arzan says the bluntest challenge is that four countries are walking a tightrope defined by twelve others to avoid upsetting one. His answer: China’s behavior is a variable, not just a brake, and security itself is a public good worth a little provocation.
The conversation also covers why undersea domain awareness shared among Quad members would improve the whole region’s picture of the PLA Navy, how the Middle East’s Combined Air Operations Center can be a model for tiered data sharing among partners with different clearances, and Arzan’s lightning-round verdict on the Modi-Trump quarrel: the strategic rationale is intact, but the damage to trust on the Indian side should not be underestimated.
Links to the full episode below.










































