The hub of realism and restraint in Washington.

Washington, DC
Joined February 2016
NEW EXPLAINER by DEFP Director of Military Analysis @jekavanagh: An access-only posture for the Middle East. No vital American interest requires a significant, permanent military presence or a network of bases in the Middle East. The U.S. can meet its military objectives in the region by retaining only a small footprint of intelligence assets and the basing access needed to facilitate a rotational air and naval presence. defensepriorities.org/explai…
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Trump’s assumptions on Iran have been wrong on so many occasions that it’s difficult to keep a running tally. He’s in danger of adding another example to the never-ending list.
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The Russia-Ukraine War is often viewed as the “good war” in Washington, compared to the Iran conflict, which many see as manifestly foolish. Yet the inflation numbers and the ongoing carnage in Ukraine show that America would be wise to seek peace in both theaters. New op-ed from @lylegoldstein in @RealClearWorld: realclearworld.com/articles/…
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I have a different proposal for-posture in the Middle East—closing U.S. bases and leaving the region entirely. Just out today: defensepriorities.org/wp-con…
FDD guy and failed Iraq war general saying predictable things to David Ignatius.
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In a new interview, @RKelanic and @AEGallagher10 unpack all the U.S. foreign policy efforts to lower energy prices and ask "Is any of it working, and at what cost?" Watch here: youtube.com/watch?v=KCQEY2Cg…
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With fuel prices historically high ahead of the midterms, the Trump administration is pulling every foreign policy lever it can to lower costs. Is any of it working? @defpriorities' @RKelanic and I discuss in the latest episode of "3 things to know." youtube.com/watch?v=KCQEY2Cg…
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I am glad to see @Carr12Brandon & @jyjamespark engage w/ my second island chain strategy proposal & offer their view. I'll briefly respond to their critiques here: 1. They argue that if the U.S. pulls back militarily, China will be able to use economic & political power to force Japan, ROK, & others to its side. However, countering China's economic and political influence is not a job U.S. military power can accomplish. To do this, the U.S. needs a coherent economic strategy. Look at Latin America where Chinese economic influence continues to increase even as the U.S. surges military power to the region. U.S. military power in Asia cannot counter Chinese economic hegemony. 2. They are concerned about the risks of nuclear proliferation to allies if the U.S. retrenches. As I note in the paper, this is possible. But I also see some proliferation as inevitable & the result of Trump administration policies, including the war with Iran. The U.S. nuclear umbrella already lacks credibility. My view is some proliferation can be managed & is better than continue U.S. overextension. 3. They argue that the United States essentially cannot defend the first island chain from the second. This is correct, but I don't suggest it should. I acknowledge there are a small set of contingencies where the United States might use force to protect core interests & these contingencies could be managed without a major first island chain presence. Moreover first island chain bases are not survivable or defensible, so what's the logic for keeping them & planning to fight from them? 4. They leave unaddressed several of the core drivers of my recommendations, including the unsustainability of the current strategy (cost wise & limits of military power) & the effect of any U.S. first island chain presence on the risk of war with China, which they seem to accept. The status quo simply doesn't work any more, so any recommendation for future U.S. policy has to address these underlying issues, even if the changes recommended aren't the ones I propose.
In @RStatecraft, @Carr12Brandon and I offer a counterpoint to @jekavanagh’s recent call for the US to adopt a Second Island Chain strategy for East Asia. We argue against this strategy for geopolitical and military reasons. The US should maintain its alliances with Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. (Thread): responsiblestatecraft.org/ch…
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The case for a permanent Gulf presence rests on protecting oil flows. Yet the U.S.-led war in Iran caused the largest oil disruption in half a century. DEFP Fellow @chrisjmccallion on how the bases aren't safeguarding energy markets: stripes.com/opinion/2026-10-…
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U.S. officials are not wrong that more oil is getting out of the Persian Gulf today than earlier in the year. Yet this is not a cost-free proposition, @DanDePetris clarifies in @USATODAY. The U.S. has effectively anointed itself the defender one of the world's most critical energy chokepoints with little to no international support and little clarity about an end date. usatoday.com/story/opinion/2…
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U.S. bases in the Middle East are no longer sanctuaries. Iran's missiles and drones can now hit them precisely, and keeping troops there invites attack. @BH_Friedman makes the case for leaving and conducting operations from greater distance or from the sea: defensepriorities.org/explai…
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The Iran war has underscored that the U.S. role as the Mideast's chief external referee and security provider has outlived whatever usefulness it once had, @DanDePetris writes in @amconmag. theamericanconservative.com/…
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Bombing Iran didn't deter China, Non-Resident Fellow Peter Harris argues in @TheNatlInterest. Washington pulled carriers from the Pacific for a war of choice, then struggled to restock munitions and defend its bases. Read now: nationalinterest.org/feature…
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So we took a strait that was open and turned it into a strait that requires permanent U.S. military presence to be sort of open at a higher cost. Is this a win?
While nearly everyone else was declaring the Battle of Hormuz lost, we at @FDD were calling this outcome for months. Never underestimate @CENTCOM, @centcomcdr, or the extraordinary men and women of the U.S. military.
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NEW ESSAY from the Future of American Power Project: "The End of Primacy Without Pain: Why the Domestic Foundation of American Power Is Crumbling" American Statecraft Senior Fellow @stephenwertheim explores the disconnect between expansive U.S. foreign-policy commitments and a public unwilling to foot the bill. "The foreign-policy consensus is, then, breaking down. Yet what is fracturing is not the consensus many suppose, namely an eight-decade attachment to leading a "liberal" or "rules-based" international order. Americans waged the Cold War less because they valued world order per se than because they felt threatened by communism at home and abroad. With their support, the United States defended the "free world," defined negatively as non-communist. Since 1989, America has engaged in more explicit and universal order-building, but most Americans have been asked to sacrifice little for the cause. Now Washington is walking away from its project of world-ordering, while the public sees no Cold War–sized threat. For how long can the country uphold far-flung defense obligations while American citizens decline to pay much more for the privilege?" Read the full essay here: carnegieendowment.org/resear…
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The default narrative for Washington's military failures, likely to be picked up by Trump and only compound his failure, is known as "triumph forsaken": The United States can still defeat Iran if only it has the will and endurance. Gil Barndollar in @ForeignPolicy: foreignpolicy.com/2026/10/20…
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It is great news when an ally says it's ready to be independent. The Trump administration should take this seriously.
Quite pointed stuff from US Amb Steel: "This is, kind of, like a turbulence that we are going thru between...Korea & the US" 'Steel also said S Korea is no longer a country that needs US protection..."Now it's time to stand up & lead together with the US & lead the Indo-Pacific"
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Ukraine's advocates have cast the sanctions waiver as a betrayal, but the move is better seen as another reminder of the one constant in the president's policy toward Ukraine and Russia: he will always put his own interests and those of the U.S. first, @jekavanagh writes in @unherd. unherd.com/newsroom/trumps-s…
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In @defense_news, @lylegoldstein notes that Chinese naval officers see forward-deployed Marines as lacking air cover and logistics, and Beijing could answer by pushing their own forces forward. Goldstein on why the Marines' posture is both vulnerable and escalatory: defensenews.com/opinion/2026…
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U.S. bases in the Middle East are no longer sanctuaries. Iran's missiles and drones can now hit them precisely, and keeping troops there invites attack. @BH_Friedman makes the case for leaving and conducting operations from greater distance or from the sea: defensepriorities.org/explai…
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The Asia debate in Washington only asks how much to add: more troops, more ships, more missiles. It never asks whether the current posture makes Americans safer. Read the new paper from Defense Priorities Director of Military Analysis @jekavanagh: defensepriorities.org/explai…
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