Carlemy_Official

BLUE WAVE! 🌊💙 As the Democratic establishment celebrates, I hope it remembers who helped make this victory possible. If 2024 taught us anything, it's that Black voters' loyalty should never be taken for granted. You have two years to turn campaign promises into meaningful results. Otherwise, 2028 may deliver a very different outcome. Consider this a warning. ⚠️

HAITI DOES NOT NEED ANOTHER ELECTION. HAITI NEEDS ANOTHER SYSTEM. 🇭🇹 I am Haitian, and I no longer accept the idea that Western-style liberal democracy is the only legitimate form of government for every nation on Earth. Every people should have the right to build the political system that works for them. For Haiti, the experiment has failed catastrophically. For decades we have been promised elections, democracy and institutions. Yet what have ordinary Haitians received? Corruption. Political violence. Stolen elections. Gang rule. Collapsed institutions. Economic dependency. Politicians who become wealthy while the population becomes poorer. Leaders who accumulate fortunes in Haiti and prepare comfortable lives abroad while the country they were elected to serve falls apart. Changing presidents has not changed the system. Changing prime ministers has not changed the system. Holding another election inside a captured state will not magically change the system either. So yes, I want something different. I would rather see Haiti governed by a strong, progressive, nationalist government with concentrated authority than continue pretending that elections alone constitute democracy while the Republic disintegrates. Call it authoritarian if you want. I care more about whether a Haitian child can safely walk to school. I care whether farmers can produce food. I care whether Haitian entrepreneurs can compete without being crushed by corruption and monopolistic power. I care whether electricity works, roads are built, hospitals function, factories open and young Haitians can imagine a future without leaving their homeland. I care whether the Haitian state controls every centimeter of Haitian territory. And above all, I care whether decisions concerning Haiti are made in Haiti, for Haitians. A government like the one I envision would wage an uncompromising legal campaign against corruption and state capture. Officials who stole public money would face prosecution. Illicit assets would be recovered. Those proven to have financed armed groups or corrupted institutions would answer before Haitian justice. Then rebuild. Agriculture. Electricity. Roads. Ports. Schools. Hospitals. Industry. National defense. Police. Courts. Haitian manufacturing. Haitian businesses. Produce more in Haiti. Import less. Build a state capable of standing on its own feet. And no, I do not believe Haiti must copy the political system of Washington or Paris. Haiti must develop a Haitian system. That is what sovereignty actually means. Our ancestors did not defeat Napoleon's army so that generations later Haitians would be told by foreign capitals what form their government must take. Read the Constitution of 1805. When a successor abandoned its constitutional principles, Article 29 contemplated declaring him "en état de guerre contre la société" and, if he resisted removal, calling upon "le peuple et l'armée" to maintain liberty. And then comes Article 28: "Au premier coup de canon d'alarme, les villes disparaissent et la nation est debout." THE NATION RISES. That is the political spirit I want Haiti to rediscover. Certainly not corruption wearing a military uniform. I want a disciplined, progressive Haitian state powerful enough to break the structures that have kept Haiti weak and courageous enough to tell every foreign power: We will cooperate with you, but you will not govern us. The greatest achievement of such a leader would not be remaining president for life. It would be rebuilding Haiti so thoroughly that eventually Haiti no longer needs him. Because ultimately I am not searching for a strongman. I am searching for a strong Haiti. 🇭🇹 Dessalines gave us independence. Our generation must finally give that independence meaning. LIBERTÉ. SOUVERAINETÉ. DIGNITÉ. REFONDATION. 🇭🇹 LA NATION EST DEBOUT.

Bro, I'm genuinely curious, and I'm asking this respectfully: what specifically makes Wilson Jeudy a better choice than Jean Ernest Muscadin in your view? If we're going to say emotion should be removed from the equation, then let's apply that standard equally. What are the measurable results, policies, leadership qualities, or accomplishments that make Jeudy the stronger choice for Haiti's current situation? Jeudy certainly has a long record in municipal administration, and that deserves consideration. Muscadin, on the other hand, has built his reputation largely around confronting one of Haiti's most immediate problems: insecurity and the collapse of state authority. So rather than saying "Wilson Jeudy and it's not even close," explain why. What has Jeudy demonstrated that makes you believe he is better equipped to address insecurity, corruption, institutional weakness, the economy, and governance at the national level? I'm willing to hear the argument. Convince me with results and reasoning, not simply a name. That's exactly what choosing with logic instead of emotion should look like.

Pierre, those are fair points, and I’ll give Wilson Jeudy his flowers. What he has accomplished in Delmas deserves recognition. Maintaining a functioning municipality, improving roads and infrastructure, collecting local revenue, and keeping services operating while the central government has repeatedly failed are meaningful accomplishments. But that brings me back to my original question: does being an effective mayor automatically make Jeudy the person Haiti needs as president at this particular moment? Haiti’s most urgent problem right now is not simply roads, sanitation or municipal administration. We have a state that has lost control of territory to armed groups. Without restoring security and state authority, how do we seriously rebuild roads, attract investment, create jobs, reopen businesses and schools, or rebuild the economy? That is where I see the difference between Jeudy and Muscadin. Whatever anyone thinks about Muscadin’s methods, and I recognize that some of those methods have generated controversy, he has demonstrated a willingness and ability to confront armed groups and prevent them from establishing the same level of control in his jurisdiction that we have witnessed elsewhere. So perhaps the question isn’t whether Jeudy is capable. He clearly is. The question is where his abilities would serve Haiti best. Based on the accomplishments you just listed, you may actually be making a strong argument for Wilson Jeudy as an exceptional Minister of Public Works, Transportation and Communications, or in another major national infrastructure and local-government role. Give someone with that record the resources and authority to replicate those results across Haiti. But for the presidency, during this particular national emergency, I still lean toward Muscadin because security has to come first. Then surround him with capable people like Jeudy, Dupuy and Emile who can rebuild the institutions, infrastructure, diplomacy and economy. That’s the government I’m arguing for. Not one strong man who supposedly knows everything, but a team of proven people placed where their strengths are most useful. And Pierre, you asked me to choose with logic rather than emotion. That is exactly what I’m trying to do.

Pierre, let’s keep emotion out of it and stay consistent with the standard you introduced: logic, evidence, and the needs of the country right now. Yes, Bukele was a mayor before becoming president. But being a mayor is not, by itself, what made his presidency effective. The real question is whether the person has the ability, strategy, political will, and national-level capacity to confront the country’s most urgent problems. So I’m not dismissing Jeudy’s record. I actually respect it. What he has done in Delmas deserves serious consideration. But Haiti’s immediate crisis is not primarily a lack of road construction or municipal management. It is insecurity, gangs, territorial control, weak state authority, and impunity. That is why I keep coming back to Muscadin. You yourself just said Muscadin is the one person on my list you still believe in. So if we agree that he has demonstrated unusual effectiveness against the very problem currently paralyzing Haiti, why should that strength be placed behind someone whose strongest proven record is municipal administration? And your point that a president will bring his own people is exactly why leadership judgment matters. A serious president should not surround himself only with loyalists. He should identify competent Haitians and put them where they can produce results. If Muscadin cannot recognize and recruit capable people like Jeudy, Dupuy, Emile, or others, then that itself would be a legitimate criticism of his leadership. I’m not arguing that Jeudy is unqualified. I’m asking a different question: who is best suited for Haiti’s most urgent mission right now? For me, the answer remains Muscadin. Jeudy may be the better administrator. Muscadin may be the better crisis leader. In the Haiti we have today, that distinction matters. So let’s follow your own advice and remove emotion from it. Not who we like more. Not who has held office longer. What does Haiti need first, and who has demonstrated the strongest ability to deliver that specific result?

Dominique Dupuy and Etzer Emile, I believe in both of you, and I believe Haiti needs both of you. Do I think you could become great leaders, and potentially great presidents of Haiti? Yes. You are both more than qualified to serve this country. However, given Haiti’s current situation, I believe this moment calls for something different. I believe both of you should stand behind Jean Ernest Muscadin and give him the next five years to restore order, confront impunity, strengthen the authority of the state, and put Haiti on a path where serious national development can once again become possible. But he should not do it alone. Dominique Dupuy, Haiti's diplomacy needs your experience, intelligence, and voice. Etzer Emile, Haiti's economy and workforce need your knowledge and leadership. Stand with Muscadin. Help him restore order and rebuild functioning institutions while ensuring that the process respects the rule of law and the rights of the Haitian people. Then, five years from now, I will be more than willing to listen to both of you present your visions, programs, and projects for developing Haiti. I could proudly stand behind either of you. Haiti does not need its most capable people fighting one another for the same position. Haiti needs them working together, each bringing their strengths to the same national mission. Muscadin for security and restoring state authority. Dupuy for diplomacy. Emile for economic development. One team, one mission: rebuild Haiti. Thank you.

No djòl to talk.

They may claim dominion over our land. They may plunder what nature entrusted to us. They may sow chaos and fear among our people. But they will never silence the soul of this nation. Our spirit is unbreakable. Haiti lives in us. I love my country. I love my people. 🇭🇹🇭🇹🇭🇹

🇭🇹 DID YOU KNOW 🇭🇹 After the American Revolution, Morocco became the first country to recognize the United States as a sovereign nation in 1777. This came after the U.S. benefited from support that included Haitian soldiers who traveled from Haiti to help them fight. Yet when Haiti followed a similar path, defeating one of the most powerful armies of the time under Napoleon Bonaparte and securing its independence under Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Morocco did not recognize Haiti as a sovereign nation until 1985, 181 years later. Because of this history, when Haiti faces Morocco in the World Cup, it should never be seen as just a game. It carries weight. It carries memory. Our players should step onto the field with full awareness that losing is not an option. @nazon28, please share this message with the entire team. Fòk nou kale yo menm pou lòd.

🇭🇹 Ayiti 🇭🇹 In the city of Dajabón, when asked by Amnesty International @amnesty about the treatment of Haitians being deported from the Dominican Republic, President Luis Abinader @luisabinader responded bluntly: “Amnesty International, go work in Haiti. Go fight for the rights of Haitians being violated in Haiti. Tell the international community to stop watching and start acting. As for here, in the Dominican Republic, I’m fighting for my country.” Whether you agree with President Abinader or not, his message reveals a brutal truth: Haitians have only one country they can truly call their own—Haiti. No matter where we go, no matter what passport we might carry, only in Haiti are we not foreigners. Only in Haiti are we not at risk of deportation, humiliation, or being treated like second-class humans. Across the globe, Haitians are chased, mistreated, and labeled as undesirable. We are viewed not as a resilient people, but as desperate migrants, wandering beggars begging for entry, aid, and pity. And yet, in the face of this global rejection, what is our collective response? We run. We look for a way out. We wait for handouts. We pin our hopes on other nations while abandoning our own. Let’s be clear: No one is coming to save us. No international committee, no foreign president, no army of goodwill is going to rise for Haiti. And while we sit back and wait for some savior to emerge—a Haitian version of Ibrahim Traoré—to say “enough is enough,” we ignore the reality that the duty to stand and fight belongs to each one of us. Not tomorrow. Now. Nature abhors a vacuum. So does power. And while we leave our country leaderless and lawless, vultures will continue to circle and prey. Every second we hesitate, Haiti dies a little more. If we don’t take responsibility, we will be remembered as the generation that watched our nation collapse—and did nothing. We must stop living like fugitives with no home. Our ancestors didn’t die for us to be wanderers. They fought, bled, and won freedom so we could live with dignity on our own land. That land—27,750 square kilometers of it—is ours. Not to sell. Not to run from. To protect. To rebuild. Now is not the time for fear. It is the time to put on our big-boy pants and fight for our country. The world has made it clear: if Haiti falls, no one cares. So why should we expect anything? Let us rise and say with one voice: “Haiti first.” If the international community doesn’t like it, they can keep their aid, their opinions, and their hypocrisy. To every Haitian still hoping for a better future—stop looking outward. Stand up. Step forward. Reclaim your dignity. Fight for Haiti. Because if we don’t, we will all die as exiles—scattered, humiliated, and forgotten. We are human beings. We have a country. It is sovereign. And it is called Ayiti, just as Dessalines declared. It is ours. And it must be livable—for all of us.