Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij) header
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Verschillige Nederlander. Ex-ondernemer. Strijdend tegen onrecht die door de overheid aan burgers is en wordt aangedaan. Partijloos burger.

Hoogeveen
Joined February 2010
Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)Photo by Ger@rd B😊😊ij (@GerardBooij)
Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
Als er zwaluwen broeden dan wordt de bouw stilgelegd totdat het nestje is uitgevlogen en levensvatbare kindjes mogen gewoon bevallen en dan in een dekentje sterven?! Misschien kan D66 dat uitleggen?
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
Canada and the European Union building together an Alliance for the Future: pm.gc.ca/en/news/statements/…
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
Gisteren in Leidsch Dagblad en Haarlems Dagblad, voor wie nog niet knettergek is van al die tekst over Amerika van mij.
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
De AFM waarschuwt consumenten om niet in te gaan op aanbiedingen van: Saldo Lenen ALLES KREDIET Finterest Krediet Multifinas ABEAX GROUP Deze ondernemingen zijn vermoedelijk frauduleuze kredietverstrekkers.
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Wil @cdahoogeveen met €40 mille per jaar de mogelijkheid tot sanctioneren van de lokale omroep creëren c.q. blijven behouden? @RadioHoogeveen wees op uw hoede.
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Grijp je kans bij @albertheijn. €2,-- per hapje.
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
Occupy Democrats 2͏h͏ · BREAKING: PANIC! Trump is DESPERATELY trying to stop Jack Smith from testifying in his own $10 billion lawsuit against the BBC. Donald Trump sued the BBC for defamation, asking for a whopping $10 billion in damages. Now, he’s panicking about the one witness who might actually know something about the behavior that led the British broadcaster to publish what it did. According to The New Republic, the BBC subpoenaed former special counsel Jack Smith to testify as part of its defense against Trump’s defamation suit. The suit claims the network defamed him with deceptive editing in a 2024 documentary about the January 6 Capitol attack. Trump’s lawyers filed a motion Friday to block the deposition, arguing that “Smith lacks any personal knowledge regarding the issues in this matter.” Their reasoning: Smith wasn’t at the January 6 speech, didn’t help prepare it, and can’t know what Trump was thinking. They say anything he gathered was “secondhand knowledge” from materials collected from other sources. The BBC’s lawyers weren’t impressed. They wrote that “none of [Trump]’s arguments for blocking the deposition of Mr. Smith can withstand scrutiny.” They noted that Smith himself doesn’t object to testifying, and that Trump still has to prove he “did not foment or incite the January 6 Capitol riot,” which he claims the documentary falsely implied. Then came the line that says it all: “No one forced Plaintiff to file this lawsuit and to dispute that his speech on January 6 incited the violence that followed at the Capitol. But as long as he chooses to maintain the case, he cannot commit the fundamental injustice of preventing the BBC from obtaining the evidence it needs to robustly defend itself.” This isn’t Trump’s only dodge. His attorneys are also fighting efforts to make Trump himself testify, to subpoena his children, and to look into his finances. Trump sued over what the BBC said about January 6, and now he’s fighting every attempt to examine what actually happened. There’s another problem for him. The BBC is funded by British taxpayers, so Trump can’t bully it into a hefty settlement or force it to back off its coverage the way he has with some American media companies. So now he has two choices: drop the case, or actually try to prove his point and live with the consequences. If Trump really believes he did nothing wrong on January 6, a deposition should be no problem. His lawyers’ desperation suggests otherwise. Please like and share if you can’t wait to hear what Jack Smith has to say if the BBC successfully gets him to testify!
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Replying to @igorsushko
Thank you for sharing this.
Replying to @ZelenskyyUa
Ukraine should not give mineral rights to the U.S. for military aid. The U.S. already agreed to provide military assistance to Ukraine to maintain the sovereignty of Ukraine’s 1991 borders under Annex II to the Budapest Memorandum. This was in exchange for Ukraine giving up the world’s third nuclear arsenal. Because the U.S. did not honor this agreement, Russia was able to illegally invade and occupy parts of Ukraine. So now Ukraine is going to give up mineral rights to the U.S. to get what it was already promised for giving up its nukes? What makes you think the U.S. will honor any agreement? Lastly, the U.S. profits from the war in Ukraine. There was a huge boost in foreign military sales by the U.S. since the full scale invasion that more than compensates for what the US has provided in military assistance to Ukraine. Please do not give into these extortionists. Слава захисникам України 🇺🇦 #PEACETHROUGHSTRENGTH 🚫 Appeasement 🚫 Minsk 3
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A historic video of America’s betrayal – November 22, 1994. The U.S. President thanks Ukraine for giving up its nuclear weapons. In return, the U.S. promises to stand by Ukraine’s side to safeguard its independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. But instead of defending Ukraine, Trump and his administration have sided with the aggressor against Ukraine.
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
Replying to @nytimes
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
Anne Appelbaum: "Zrozummy to wreszcie, że jeśli Putin przestanie walczyć, wojna się skończy. Jeśli Zełenski przestanie walczyć, Ukraina przestanie istnieć. Losy ziem pod rosyjską okupacją pokazują to bezlitośnie: mordowanie elit, zakaz używania ojczystego języka, grabież majątków i masowe wywożenie dzieci. To dzieje się naprawdę, każdego dnia”.
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
I have a disturbing theory about Donald Trump’s increasingly bizarre behavior. What if Vladimir Putin has finally lost patience and delivered an ultimatum: “Listen, Donald. Do whatever you want with Ukraine and Zelensky, but they must surrender soon. Otherwise, everything we’ve collected about you over the years becomes public. You’ll lose Congress, face impeachment, and perhaps spend your remaining years behind bars.” This is speculation, not an established fact. But imagine how much of Trump's behavior it could explain. He eases pressure on Russia, announces questionable ceasefires, portrays Ukraine as responsible for the war, pressures Zelensky, restricts intelligence cooperation, and interferes with Ukraine’s ability to strike Russian energy infrastructure. Meanwhile, Moscow continues its aggression. And what has all this achieved? Nothing resembling the Ukrainian capitulation Putin wants. At this point, I wouldn't even be surprised if Trump offered Russia Patriot air defense systems to protect its refineries, then threatened Ukraine with American military intervention unless Kyiv accepted Moscow’s demands. Naturally, he would call it “forcing Ukraine to make peace.” Imagine the nightmare: Ukraine facing military pressure from two nuclear superpowers simultaneously. And thirty years later, Russian and American textbooks describing how Washington and Moscow supposedly “saved the world from Ukrainian Nazism.” Absurd? Certainly. But so much that once seemed politically unthinkable has already entered mainstream discussion. My deeper concern is that Russia learned something from the Soviet Union’s collapse: direct repression and military force alone cannot secure lasting geopolitical dominance. Influence, dependency, corruption, propaganda, and political manipulation can be far more effective. For decades, Moscow cultivated relationships with influential Western politicians, exploited European dependence on Russian energy, and supported political movements that weakened Western unity. Gerhard Schröder’s relationship with Russian energy interests is well documented. Russian support for certain European far-right movements has also raised serious concerns. But allegations involving other politicians require evidence, not assumptions. Migration crises, economic insecurity, and political polarization have created opportunities for Kremlin influence operations. Russia did not invent every European crisis, but it has repeatedly demonstrated an interest in exploiting divisions within democratic societies. This is the old imperial strategy: divide and rule. I also wonder whether Russia benefits strategically from Washington becoming increasingly entangled in Middle Eastern conflicts while Ukraine faces growing pressure. And now comes the most dangerous part: the approaching November 3 congressional elections. We have less than three weeks. I fear that this period could produce particularly reckless decisions concerning Ukraine, Russia, and American foreign policy. Perhaps my imagined blackmail scenario is completely wrong. I hope it is. But the central question remains: How did the democratic world reach a point where Ukraine must worry not only about Russian aggression, but also about pressure from the very country that once promised to defend its sovereignty? History may eventually reveal the answer. For now, the consequences are already frightening.
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
A smile worth a thousand words: Sky News: Trump is facing pretty difficult midterm elections. Do you think you are being treated as a scapegoat for his own problems? Zelenskyy [smiling]: “This is my answer.” Couldn't imagine a better answer. 👏
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
Dear Mr. President, I am writing from the tram. My shoes are wet again. This is not a metaphor. Oslo has decided it is October and therefore the rain is simply hanging in the air, judging everyone who walks under it, and I have once more failed the rain's inspection. There is a half-eaten kanelbull in my pocket that someone's wife sent to the meeting. It has put cinnamon sugar on my coat. I will not explain this further. We met this morning. Five of us. Coffee. The portraits. Mandela looking as if he already knows how the day will go. The one we do not discuss still hanging there, 1973, bombs still falling, two predecessors having resigned, Tom Lehrer having declared political satire obsolete. We leave him up. Every family has the uncle who once did something, after which everyone simply agreed to keep passing the potatoes. You will be pleased to hear that your name came up. Not because anyone nominated you in a way that counted, those had to be in by the 31st of January, which is to say before you had, by your own arithmetic, finished ending the wars, but because several people kept phoning and posting and then announcing that they had phoned and posted. Israel's prime minister put it on the internet. The leaders of Cambodia and Pakistan announced their nominations as though the announcing were part of the scoring. Iran, as usual, was both on the list and not on the list, depending on which day the fish was measured. A man flew around the world collecting endorsements the way one collects signatures against a noisy dog. We watched. Norwegians are good at watching. We have long winters and very little else. The number of wars, we noticed, kept increasing. Eight, then more. Like a fish. Every time someone said the number, the fish had grown an inch. Sometimes Iran was the extra one; sometimes it was already finished and also still ongoing. We did not weigh the fish. We do not grade homework. "He made peace" is not a sentence that ends in a medal, no matter how loudly it is said or how many heads of state are asked to say it into a phone. The will of a dead Swede who invented dynamite and spent his final years trying to launder the phrase "merchant of death" does not, it turns out, contain a clause about volume. So we gave it to an eighty-five-year-old woman who was, at the hour we told the world, sitting in courtroom 600 in Nuremberg. The actual room. The one where the law once stared down the precise kind of man who believes wanting a thing loudly enough should make it his. She did not phone us. She did not post. No one flew anywhere on her behalf. She wanted the work and not the medal. The medal found her anyway. This is not a rule we wrote down. It is simply the only pattern that has survived a hundred years of our mistakes. Which brings me to the purpose of this note. Since the calendar already closed the window, and since the prize itself has a well-documented allergy to anyone who explains, in public, at length, why he deserves it, I have decided to send you the one form of recognition that can actually be purchased. A $9 participation trophy. Eight for the wars. Plus one for Iran, which refused to stay counted and therefore, we felt, deserved its own line. Not a medal. Not a portrait on a wall. Not even a cinnamon bun. Just the ordinary, honest kind of prize, the kind that does not flee the moment you reach for it. I have marked the memo "Nobel condolences," which is the closest thing to the real article your campaign will accept by card. Think of it as the uncle's contribution. Or the rain's. Or the fish's, including the Iranian one that would not hold still long enough to be weighed. We are only five damp people in a room with wet shoes and a long table and a plate of buns that is always, somehow, already empty. We have been wrong before. Kissinger is still on the wall. We may be wrong again; a future committee may one day hang a portrait of this very morning and decline, forever, to explain why. But not this year. This year the old woman in Nuremberg got a phone call she did not ask for, and you get nine dollars and a note from a man whose shoes are wet. Takk for the eight wars. And the extra dollar, for Iran. The number is no longer our problem. Kristin said "well" an hour ago. I have to change trams.
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Kamala Harris waarschuwde Amerika dat Trump zal toestaan dat Poetin Oekraïne overneemt. Ze doorzag hem als een open boek! 📖
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Ger@rd B😊😊ij retweeted
I am a member of the Norwegian Nobel Committee. You may have read my letter yesterday. A great many people did, which is its own small Norwegian tragedy, because we are a people raised under Janteloven, the unwritten law that says you are not to think you are anything special, and now I have been noticed, and my sister has sent me a text with an exclamation mark in it, and I have had to lie down with a cold cloth. It is the next morning. The rain has not improved. Same tram, same wet shoes, failing the same daily inspection the sky conducts on all of us. No bun today. I ate the bun. Under Janteloven I am required to add that it was not a very good bun and I did not enjoy it, which is a lie, but a patriotic one. I have been watching the television, because today, it turns out, is an anniversary. One year ago, on this exact wet day, the man across the ocean stood on a stage in Egypt in front of a green folder and asked, out loud, into a live microphone, “Can we get the documents, please?”, as though the peace he had come to sign might have wandered off to get a coffee. One year ago he announced it had taken three thousand years to reach that moment, a figure he revised, in the same breath, to somewhere between five hundred and six thousand, settling nothing, insulting all of the intervening millennia equally. And a year ago, twenty people came home. Children’s fathers. Somebody’s son, walking into his mother’s arms on a hospital floor. I said it then and the law of my land will have to forgive me for saying it plainly again: that part was good. That part was the only part a dead Swede’s will was ever about. And here is the thing I have learned in thirty years of this, the thing that separates my committee from every excitable capital on earth: we do not grade the homework on the day it is handed in, glowing, for the cameras. We grade it a year later. In the cold. When the folder is in a drawer and the crowd has gone home and we can finally see whether the thing was a peace or a press release with a long enough shelf life to reach the next awards season. So. One year later. The verdict. It mostly held. I want you to understand what it costs a Norwegian to say even that much. “It mostly held” is, in my dialect, delirious praise. It is the most enthusiasm the climate permits before November. There were strikes. There were violations, theirs and his and everyone’s. It wobbled, it cracked, it was patched, it is still, this morning, more or less a peace, and twenty people who were in the dark are, a year on, still in the light. By the standards of the thing we actually measure, that is not nothing. We noted it. We are, despite the rumors, not made entirely of frost. But I was watching for the other thing, because I am built to watch the thing beside the thing, and the thing beside the thing has not stopped for one single day in twelve months. The campaign. He did not, you see, end a war and then move on with the quiet satisfaction of a man who has done a good turn. He ended a war and immediately entered it into evidence. For a year he has been submitting it. Re-signing it. Re-announcing it. Holding it up to the light at every available podium like a child who has brought the same drawing back to the refrigerator three hundred times. And I know exactly what it is, because it is addressed to me. To the five of us. It is an appeal, lodged the morning after we told him no, against a verdict he received four days ago when the prize went instead to an eighty-five-year-old woman who never once asked for it. We call this, in Norwegian, when something becomes loud and chaotic and completely out of proportion, helt Texas. Totally Texas. It is real slang, I promise you, we say it about blizzards and traffic and weddings that got out of hand. And I sat on my tram this morning, watching a year of footage from a man who is, himself, quite near Texas, and I thought: there is no more precise word in my language. The whole performance is helt Texas. A year of it. An anniversary of it. Now, honesty, because it is apparently the only product I am now known for. It might still work. That is the sentence the audience cannot bear from me, and it is the only one worth your time. We are not pure. We handed the medal once to a man nine months into a presidency for things he had not yet done, and we have been quietly nauseous about it for fifteen years; his portrait situation is, let us say, under review. We are five vain, wrong, weather-beaten pensioners administering a dead dynamite salesman’s guilty conscience out of a building on a street named after Henrik Ibsen, who wrote almost exclusively about respectable men discovering they are frauds, and who would have found all of this unbearably funny and then written a four-hour play about it. So I will not tell you the man can never win it. I will tell you what my entire nation says instead, the most devastating phrase in the Norwegian language, deployed at the end of a long cold silence: vi får se. We’ll see. Because the trouble, the genuine trouble, is that this year he did not merely want it. He learned. He learned to chase the medal with his hands full, and a man chasing it with twenty freed hostages in his arms is much harder to look away from than a man merely phoning to say he deserves it. It is, I will grant him, and it costs me to grant it, cleverer than anything we have had to ignore in a hundred and twenty-five years. But he has broken the one law older than ours. Not Janteloven, though he breaks that one so completely that Norwegian schoolchildren could study him as the photographic negative of a well-raised person. The older law. The only rule the medal has never once gotten wrong in its whole history: it finds the ones who do not chase it, and it flees the ones who do. He has spent a year running after it, at the top of his lungs, holding up the drawing. And every day he runs, he proves the one thing that disqualifies him, which is that he does not understand what it is for. The old woman in Nuremberg understood. She sat in courtroom 600, the actual room, and did not phone anyone, and the medal walked across the water and found her. That is not a system we designed. It is just the only pattern that has survived a century of our mistakes. The tram is slowing. My stop. The rain is still hanging there, auditing me, and I have failed again, and somewhere across the ocean a year-old green folder is being photographed, for the thousandth time, for a submission that closed in January and reopens, in his mind, every morning of his life. Vi får se. We’ll see. Kristin thinks he gets it next year. She didn’t say so. She said “well,” on a falling tone, while looking out the window, which is how a Norwegian screams a prediction. I have learned to read her the way sailors read the sky, and that particular “well” meant: brace yourself, it’s coming, and we’re going to have to live with it. I hope she’s wrong. Under Janteloven I’m not permitted to think my hope matters more than hers. I have to change trams.
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