You’re assuming that I am against the Iraqification of Sinjar. I’m not. I’m fully in support of it. And I simply don’t care if some Yezidis identify as Kurds or not. I want less headache for KRG, and that’s my only priority. The current situation supplements it. The integration of the YBS into the Iraqi forces, on the other hand, is only about the ongoing reorganization of the PKK that’s coordinated with Turkey. YBS was a dissident armed group in Mount Sinjar, had no presence in Sinjar itself so the implementation of Article 140 had nothing to do with them or their decisions. I know PKK wants to create the illusion that it was in control of Sinjar, but that’s not correct. Sinjar has been controlled by Iranian-backed militias, not by any Kurdish group, since 2017.

🚨#DOCUMENTATION ISIS and Turkish occupation mercenaries assault Kurds in Tal Abyad in full view of General Security forces, who stand by and watch without intervening.

A remarkable and heated exchange on Nuce TV, a pro-PKK Kurdish channel, between Riham Hassan, a representative of the pro-PKK Yazidi women’s movement in Sinjar, and Remezan Kerim, a Kurdish nationalist from Erbil. Hassan insists that Yazidis are a distinct ethnic group, separate from Kurds. Kerim rejects this, repeatedly calls her Kurdish and accuses her of national treason. Most notably, Kerim invokes the epic of Dewresh Evdi, a legendary Yazidi warrior who, in one documented version of the oral tradition, declares: "I am neither Kiki nor Milan. I have been Yazidi for seventy generations." Kerim then renders the line as: "I am Yazidi and I am Kurd." Academic research firmly establishes Dewresh's Yazidi identity but does not record Kerim's formulation as a direct quotation from Evdi. However, the epic survives in many oral variations, some of which explicitly place Yazidis within a broader Kurdish identity. A 2022 academic study comparing six versions found that those preserved by Yazidi communities often emphasise both a distinct religious identity and a shared Kurdish identity, while versions among Muslim Kurdish communities focus more on tribal relationships. The epic is therefore more complicated than either side suggests. Dewresh's Yazidi identity is well established, and his association with Kurdishness also has a basis in the wider tradition. The exchange is particularly revealing because Hassan herself belongs to the PKK-aligned network and embraces the ideology of jailed PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan, while asserting a distinct Yazidi ethnic identity. This may reflect a strand of Ocalan's thought that emphasises plural identities and the right of communities to define themselves, leaving room for Yazidis to identify as a distinct people rather than necessarily as Kurds. Kerim represents the more conventional Kurdish nationalist position, which regards Yazidis as an integral part of the Kurdish nation regardless of how individuals identify. The confrontation exposes a basic difference in how the two approach identity: Hassan insists on the right to define her own, while Kerim insists on defining it for her. Even a shared epic becomes a vehicle for competing claims.