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IRGC public data awareness 🧵 The original article places Gholamreza Soleimani's statement about 982 county cyber battalions and 2,500 district-based battalions in Aban 1400 (approximately November 2021), not November 2011 as rendered in your English passage. The figures are attributed to his public statement, rather than independently audited counts. #iran #basij

Speaker 0: Extracting money in the confiscated facility called Imam Sadiq University. Confidential documents about coins that are minted in the name of the religion and used to pay the officials of the regime. The share of the Mahdavi Kani family in this table that came from the head of the Revolution Committee to the presidency of the beloved university of Khamenei. How did clerics turn Iran's Harvard into a shop of governmental politicians? Speaker 1: Imam Sadiq University is a remarkable phenomenon. It is not just a university. Speaker 0: The documents obtained as a result of hacking Imam Sadiq University by the hacking group Black Reward show that this university has obtained a permit for an crypto‑mining farm to generate income. In this confidential letter addressed to Sadek Ameli Larijani, chairman of the board of trustees of Imam Sadiq University, it is stated that the university was able to obtain the permission to establish a crypto‑mining farm with the Ministry of Industry, Mine and Trade of Khorasan in 2019 due to its high profitability. The same document states that when some crypto‑mining farms were shut down because of high electricity consumption, the university succeeded in obtaining a de‑shutdown permit from the Khorasan Razavi provincial court. This is in contrast with many Qom scholars such as Naser Makarem Shirazi, who have declared the buying and selling of crypto‑assets as haram. But who owns Imam Sadiq University and what is its provenance? In 1969, Mohammad‑Taqi Bardar, a well‑known Iranian entrepreneur, founded the Saadat‑Abad Kolang Center for Management Studies in Iran. The center was managed by Habib Lajavardi, a historian, and was supposed to be a branch of Harvard in Iran to train efficient managers. The 1979 revolution however abandoned this idea, as did many other important ideas. During the early years of the revolution, Mohammad‑Reza Mahdavi Kani, the Imam of the Friday prayers in Tehran, first took control of the regional revolution committee and then, by order of Ruhollah Khomeini, became the head of all Islamic Revolution Committees. In 1982, amid the Cultural Revolution, the confiscated name of Harvard was changed to Imam Sadiq University. Clerics who sat on the throne of power dreamed of combining new sciences and religious sciences to create an Islamic university. Accordingly, the board of trustees composed of Ali Khamenei, Mahdavi Kani, and Hossein‑Ali Montazeri took control of the university's management, with Montazeri as its supreme head. After his dismissal from the position of the provisional Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic, Mahdavi Kani assumed the chair of the board and remained the all‑round manager of Imam Sadiq University until his death in 2014. After his death, his son Mohammad‑Saeed Mahdavi Kani became the university president. In 2005, Khamenei spoke of his visions for Imam Sadiq University. Speaker 1: Make our Muslim and faithful scholars in various humanities fields hold opinions that the world can benefit from. Speaker 0: In 2015, Khamenei appointed new members of the board of trustees of this university, and Sadek Ameli Larijani, Ahmad Al‑Hadi, and the son of Mahdavi Kani sat at the table. Mahdavi Kani’s son left the university presidency in 2018, but his family still holds the university. Qadsi Sarcheh, his wife, has been the dean of the female college of Imam Sadiq University for 32 years, and Mostafa Milouhi, his son‑in‑law, is a board member; his daughters, Mehdiyeh and Sadieqa, are the head of the female college admissions office and a faculty member at the university, respectively. Mohammad Baqer, Mahdavi Kani’s brother, is also a faculty member at Imam Sadiq University. Imam Sadiq University is more than an Islamic university; it is an economic institution whose founders and managers present it as a non‑profit organization. Yet this year it has taken about 36 billion tomans from the public budget, and next year it will take more than 44 billion tomans. Imam Sadiq University is a large economic holding called the Al‑Sadiq Society Institute, which according to hacked documents in 2019 earned more than 110 billion tomans. This holding owns several confiscated institutes and companies. From Al‑Quran pharmaceutical to the steel smelting plant of Khazar Steel, to name a few. To uncover the economic back‑door of Imam Sadiq University, one must look at the clothing company of the Al‑Sadiq Society, which according to a leaked document is a crypto‑mining center. The board of this company includes several well‑known figures in the economy of the Islamic Republic. One of them is Alaa‑eddin Mir‑Mohammad Sadqi, one of the regime’s super‑millionaires, head of the Iran‑Canada Chamber of Commerce, and a member of the mixed board. This Isfahanian trader shut down the flood in 1990. He insured his future by paying for the aviation insurance that brought Khomeini from Paris to Tehran. Mir‑Mohammad Sadqi owns dozens of companies in various fields from petrochemicals to pharmaceuticals across 31 provinces of the country. He is a board member of the Alavi Institute affiliated with the Foundation of the Oppressed and the head of the Islamic Economy Organization. Another board member of the society is Yahiyeh Al‑Esghaq, the current head of the Iran‑Iraq Chamber of Commerce and the commerce minister in Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani’s second government. Al‑Esghaq was also a member of the mixed board. The supporters of the revolution, who in 2003 nominated him for the presidential election, resigned before the election. Now these economic figures of the regime sit at the revolution table and provide money for the cultural‑economic cartel of the Mahdavi Kani family through state rants. The society company in this letter proposes to Zahidi Fava, former head of the Ministry of Labor, and a board member of the Al‑Sadiq Society, to set up a black‑tent production factory in Mashhad. Last week, Raisi’s government spokesperson claimed on Twitter that the Mohammad‑Reza Shah Pahlavi family, when leaving the country, took many assets with them, including the king’s crown and the queen’s crown. Apart from inaccurate statistics, those two crowns are kept in the jewelry museum of the Central Bank. According to hacked documents, it is now clear that many coins and valuable medals were confiscated before the revolution and are in possession of Imam Sadiq University. These assets, according to the document, have even lost their own statistics. The output of Imam Sadiq University in terms of so‑called “training” for the Islamic Republic was also the Raisi government. The mountain that a mouse gnawed. The gifts of the Central Bank Governor and the former Minister of Labor. Speaker 2: That the dollar price increase had nothing to do with sanctions. Did you know? Speaker 0: And of course this is the economy minister. Speaker 2: If the future government does nothing, next year inflation will certainly be ten to fifteen percent lower than this year. Speaker 0: Which, all graduates of Imam Sadiq University, the dollar is 44 thousand tomans and inflation is 46 percent. The legacy of Habib Lajavardi and Mohammad‑Taqi Bardar, who became the Mahdavi Kani family’s inheritance after the revolution and now a house on water for clerics who try to fill their pockets with crypto‑mining. The gold mine of the Shah’s era that turned into a rent‑house in the Islamic Republic. Mojtaba Parhamoon, London.