
🗽 Protecting Religious Liberty | 🗞️ First Amendment News | Founders' First Freedom 📢 Free Speech Advocate | 🎙️ | #ReligiousLiberty
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Donald L. Drakeman, “The Free Exercise Clause and the Rights of Conscience” (Harvard University Press, 2026).
By Michael Peabody, Esq.
Those of us who study First Amendment law take some things for granted. This includes the concept that those who negotiated the terms of the U.S. Constitution viewed “free exercise” as a broad shield for religious conduct, and that they used the term interchangeably with the “rights of conscience.”
But University of Notre Dame Professor Donald L. Drakeman’s new book challenges that premise. In his book, due for release on November 17, 2026, which the publisher graciously provided for my review, Drakeman argues that the modern consensus gets the history wrong. By tracking the phrase from the 313 CE Edict of Milan all the way through the 1689 English Toleration Act into colonial charters, Drakeman makes a case that “free exercise” was a highly specific term of art. It did not guarantee a general right to act on your faith. According to Drakeman, it meant one specific thing: “the ability to hold a worship service in a public place.”>>>>>
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The European model relies entirely on a delicate balance. It requires a highly productive, high-tax-paying population continuously funding the system to support those who are drawing from it. In a purely free-market system, people move primarily for labor opportunities. If there are no jobs, migration naturally slows. But in a welfare state, the state itself is the safety net, guaranteeing housing, healthcare, and income support regardless of whether the labor market can instantly absorb new arrivals.
When you introduce mass immigration into this model, you rapidly expand the pool of people drawing heavily on state resources before they have spent decades paying into the tax base to fund those services.
Americans often romanticize the European higher education system as a debt-free utopia, but the massive, violent protests currently sweeping across France, Spain, Portugal, and Belgium tell a much darker story. Young Europeans are not marching because their social model is succeeding; they are rioting because it is collapsing under its own mathematical weight.
While tuition bills might be near zero, the actual cost of adulthood has become unbearable. The primary friction point is a severe housing crisis. In Portugal, housing prices have more than doubled over the last decade. In Spain, rent hikes by investment funds have led to evictions and widespread outrage. Free university means very little when graduates are entirely priced out of basic shelter.
This decay extends directly into the schools. France has seen massive walkouts over crumbling infrastructure and chronic teacher shortages, resulting in thousands of arrests as protests escalated. Because the state funds everything, educational quality lives and dies by strained public budgets.
The underlying failure lies within the social democratic model itself. The system requires constant, robust economic growth to fund its massive safety net. Instead, heavy regulations and high taxes have stifled the economy, leaving young people with a stagnant, two-tier labor market. Older workers cling to iron-clad jobs, forcing graduates into a cycle of precarious gig work and temporary contracts.
This structural crisis is now being pushed to the breaking point by mass immigration. As economist Milton Friedman warned, a nation cannot sustain an open welfare state. Rapid influxes of migrants draw heavily on a finite pool of subsidized housing and public services, accelerating the shortage of affordable resources for young citizens trying to enter the market.
Ultimately, young Europeans are watching half their paychecks vanish into taxes to fund a system that denies them basic economic opportunity. The fires in the streets are a wholesale rejection of a broken social contract.
The proposal to march Nidal Hasan before a firing squad and syndicate his destruction over a digital livestream is not an exercise in judicial transparency. It is the bloodthirsty theater of the Roman Colosseum retrofitted for high-speed fiber optics. Hasan is a contemptible terrorist who slaughtered thirteen unarmed human beings and maimed dozens more in 2009. His moral ledger is bankrupt. Yet the moment the sovereign decides to turn the physical annihilation of a human into public digital entertainment, the state ceases to administer justice. It begins pandering to the mob.
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Christa Pike absorbed two full rounds of lethal poison, felt the physical trauma of an overdose, and crossed the existential threshold of her own death. >>>
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In its first day of the 2026-2027 term, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to review a federal appeals court ruling that allowed a Washington fire protection district to deny religious accommodations to frontline firefighters during the COVID-19 pandemic. Eight firefighters from Snohomish Regional Fire & Rescue had asked the high court to clarify how courts evaluate employer hardship under Title VII following the 2023 landmark ruling in Groff v. DeJoy. The firefighters claimed lower courts split over whether an employer must prove an actual hardship or merely show a reasonable concern about potential operational and safety harms. Their employer argued that the requested accommodation would increase the risk of healthcare workers transmitting a highly transmissible, deadly virus to vulnerable patients and other workers during a pandemic.
By turning away the appeal, the justices left intact the Ninth Circuit’s judgment in favor of the fire district.
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Every movement begins with an idea, but almost every movement eventually breeds a purity patrol. Somewhere along the line, commitment stops being measured by what a person actually builds, solves, or defends. Instead, it is measured by how strictly they perform approved postures.
This is the emergence of the ideological purity tests - an exercise that poses as moral vigilance, but functions as an intellectual shortcut.
Substituting Symbols for Substance
True conviction is substantive, messy, and responsible for outcomes. It involves weighing competing priorities, navigating institutional realities, and making difficult prudential judgments in an imperfect world.
Purity tests, by contrast, demand radical simplicity. They thrive on clear shibboleths: words that must be used, ideas that cannot be touched, associations that are permanently forbidden, and conclusions that must be reached without showing any work.
When a community adopts these tests, symbolism replaces substance:
* Contact equals contagion: The mere proximity to a disapproved entity, forum, or viewpoint is treated as guilt. The question is never why someone engaged or what was accomplished; the offense is the contact itself.
* Loyalty is measured by hostility: To prove fidelity to the group, members are expected to display performative contempt toward designated outsiders. Nuance or charity is immediately treated as latent betrayal.
* Outcomes are discarded: Practical initiatives that produce tangible, protective results are condemned if they fail a linguistic checklist. Conversely, total institutional failure is celebrated as heroic, provided no rhetorical compromises were made.
The Psychology of the Gatekeeper
Administering a purity test is low-risk, high-status work. It requires no specialized skill, no creative output, and zero accountability for governance. An individual who has never had to solve an intractable problem or carry operational responsibility can claim instant authority simply by declaring that someone else is insufficiently loyal.
Purity tests also bypass the exhausting work of reasoned debate. Rather than demonstrating why an opposing argument is flawed, the enforcer simply points out that the argument violates an unwritten orthodoxy. The critique doesn't engage the idea; it attacks the speaker's right to hold it.
The Inevitable Shrinking Circle
The danger of this mindset is what it inevitably does to the community that tolerates it.
First, it drives away the capable. Pragmatic thinkers and effective operators step back, unwilling to risk public censure for solving problems in complex environments. This leaves the room to dogmatists and passive conformists.
Second, it guarantees strategic paralysis. When safety lies in staying far away from every gray area, people stop engaging the outside world. They refuse to sit in rooms where decisions are made, retreating into sterile enclaves where everyone agrees and nothing of consequence is achieved.
Finally, it creates an inevitable circular firing squad. Once external opponents are banished, the threshold moves. Yesterday’s orthodox stance becomes today’s compromise. Enforcers must invent new deviations to justify their vigilance, shrinking the movement into smaller, more paranoid factions.
Healthy boundaries keep a movement focused on its purpose; purity tests turn members into sentries looking for reasons to exile their peers. A confident community judges ideas by their coherence, actions by their integrity, and strategies by their fruit.
When a critique relies solely on policing boundaries rather than assessing the value of the work itself, it reveals the insecurity of the critic, not the failure of the criticized. The only effective response is to refuse the defensive posture, ignore the border guards, and continue doing the actual work.
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Euthanasia and assisted suicide and lethal injection are essentially the same procedure. Yet they are treated dramatically differently in the press.
There’s an interesting irony. In the case of the inmate, Christa Pike, in Tennessee, it is treated as if it is a cruel and terrible punishment. However, in the Netherlands, the lethal injection of a two-year-old was described like this in the medical records. (translated to English):
“There are (yet) no guidelines regarding the execution of euthanasia for children under twelve years of age. At the parents' request, the doctor chose a method in which the child was gently put to sleep. The doctor initiated sedation (lowering of consciousness) via an intravenous infusion of midazolam and morphine in increasing doses. Subsequently, the doctor administered coma-inducing agents (propofol and thiopental), after which the child entered a very deep state of sedation and passed away.”
Similarly, assisted suicide cases, and medical assisted aid in dying (MAID) in Canada and the United States, the same procedure is treated as if it is some kind of compassionate act by the same people who oppose the death penalty for murderers.
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A bureaucratic bulletin from The Hague has codified a threshold that modern civilization long insisted was impenetrable: a state-sanctioned supervisory panel confirmed that a physician acted with “due care” when administering a fatal injection to a child not yet two years old (NL Times).
For decades, the public conscience hid behind an intellectual bunker, obsessing over the precise moment human life begins. Theologians and politicians traded theoretical points over blastocysts, embryonic viability thresholds, and cardiac activity, tacitly assuming that the primary ethical duty was to draw the boundary where personhood takes root.
That debate has been rendered entirely obsolete. In this hospital ward, there was no microscopic entity or legal abstraction. There was an indisputable, breathing toddler. The old procedural dodge about “when life begins” no longer works because no one can pretend this child was not alive. The mask has slipped completely. We have arrived at the stage where the state looks upon an acknowledged, living human being, notes their weakness, and decides that death is an acceptable medical prescription.
Finding the Ark would undeniably be one of the most astonishing archaeological discoveries in human history. Yet before anyone stakes their spiritual conviction on satellite scans or ground penetrating radar, or core drilling, a heavy dose of objective scrutiny is required. >>> religiouslibertytv.substack.…
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The Supreme Court is being asked to consider Detwiler v. Mid-Columbia Medical Center, a case that tests the practical limits of workplace religious protections. At its core, the dispute asks where a secular medical anxiety ends and a federally protected religious conviction begins.
In this case, the employee refused the COVID vaccine, on “religious grounds” which the employer granted on condition that she test regularly with the standard nasal swab testing. She refused that accommodation as well “on religious grounds” claiming that the swab itself could cause cancer. The hospital said this was unworkable and fired her. She sued and the lower court dismissed her case and the 9th Circuit upheld the dismissal. Now she wants the Supreme Court to decide. Is her request reasonable, or will it stretch the concept of religious accommodation to the breaking point?
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Some who promote religious liberty argue that "religious freedom" is tied at the hip to a "right to abort," citing religious traditions that do not recognize unborn life in the same way. But that distorts religious freedom. Religious liberty exists to protect conscience from coercion, not to transform one person's theology into authority over whether another human being may live. A pluralistic society can respect differing beliefs about pregnancy without pretending that the unborn child has no interests, no dignity and no claim to protection. Once religious freedom is recast as permission to end the life of a voiceless human being, it stops serving as a shield for conscience and becomes a weapon against the one person who cannot assert a competing belief.
The first question in every one of these cases should be the question our public debate keeps placing last: Who is speaking for the child? >>>>
Excerpt:
This shift also forces government officials into an intrusive role that the First Amendment was designed to prevent. When religious accommodation becomes a tool for personal medical decisions, secular employers and courts must determine who is “truly” religious and who is simply expressing political dissent or personal distrust of medicine. At BART, agency officials conducted interrogations into employee theology, reviewing 181 claims to judge the purity and depth of each person’s doctrine before denying them all. Forcing bureaucrats to sit as religious inquisitors to separate sincere faith from personal bodily preferences degrades both religious integrity and governmental neutrality.
Chipping away at the line between sacred duty and personal medical autonomy ultimately endangers religious liberty itself. When religious exemptions are claimed against general public health measures during an emergency, the broader public begins to see religious liberty not as a vital civil right, but as a loophole for escaping shared civic responsibilities. The Founders recognized that religious exercise must remain distinct from ordinary personal choices precisely so it would command universal respect. Tying the fate of the Free Exercise Clause to pandemic vaccine disputes risks shrinking a sacred constitutional freedom into little more than a contentious political battle over public health.
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Chipping away at the line between sacred duty and personal medical autonomy ultimately endangers religious liberty itself. When religious exemptions are claimed against general public health measures during an emergency, the broader public begins to see religious liberty not as a vital civil right, but as a loophole for escaping shared civic responsibilities. The Founders recognized that religious exercise must remain distinct from ordinary personal choices precisely so it would command universal respect. Tying the fate of the Free Exercise Clause to pandemic vaccine disputes risks shrinking a sacred constitutional freedom into little more than a contentious political battle over public health. >>>>
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A federal appeals court upheld a 7.8 million dollar jury verdict for six transit workers fired by the San Francisco Bay Area Rapid Transit District after they refused COVID-19 vaccines for religious reasons. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ruled that BART failed to prove accommodating the workers would create an undue hardship, while concurring Judge Ryan D. Nelson argued that the Supreme Court should overturn Employment Division v. Smith. The ruling provides immediate relief to the workers, but the case illustrates how modern battles over workplace mandates are fundamentally shifting religious accommodation away from historic protections of conscience and into disputes over personal medical choices. >>>>
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