I've been inundated today with questions about the Occupied Territories Bill, so let me get a few things clear. Firstly, it makes no real difference whether Government passes my legislation, or comes forward with its own. I honestly don’t care who gets the credit for it, or whose name is on the end of a Bill. I have been fighting for this bill since 2018 for one reason – because I firmly believe that it is the right thing to do. The settlements are totally illegal, rob families of their land, and undermine the prospects for peace. We say this again and again, but then trade in the proceeds of the crime. It is hypocritical and has to stop! What actually matters is the policy. Whether it is my Bill, or a Govt Bill, the key thing is: will it implement a *full ban on all trade* with the illegal settlements? Will it do what is required of us under international law, as made crystal clear by the International Court of Justice (ICJ), or will there be carve outs or exemptions or a watering down? This is the one question every journalist, activist and politician should be asking when the Dáil reconvenes, and when any legislation is moved forward – regardless of who has sponsored it. Second, many commentators would like us to forget about international law, so I am going to remind them. In July 2024, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the highest court in the world, issued an historic finding. It found that not only is the occupation illegal, that the settlements are illegal, but that there is a legal “obligation” on all states not to trade with them. This is a clear requirement set out by the highest court in the world. The question now is whether we will take it seriously. The Taoiseach and the Tánaiste have both referred to these “obligations”, and I’m glad to see this recognition. The PfG also commits to following the ICJ. But the court was absolutely clear: states must “abstain from entering into economic or trade dealings” and “prevent trade or investment relations” with Israel regarding the occupied territories and the illegal settlements (para 278). There is no ambiguity here. They do not separate this out into physical goods on the one hand and services on the other, because it is not the 1950s. Trade means trade. We cannot just attempt to ignore one aspect of this because it is politically more challenging. What we are asking for here is also not new. In 2014 Ireland and the EU quickly banned trade in goods *and* services with Russian-occupied territory. This full ban was implemented within months of Russian’s illegal occupation of Ukrainian territory, and rightly so. Why should there be a double standard? International law must be applied equally and consistently, or else it means nothing. This matters even more given the EU’s shameful response to the genocide in Gaza. I will say it again: if we want to give effect to the ICJ ruling then the quickest and best way to do that is to pass the Occupied Territories Bill. I have no issue with technical amendments to strengthen and improve it, and it is misleading and unfair to suggest otherwise. But what matters is that a full ban is implemented and that we stick to our commitments. No more theft of land without consequences. No more ifs or buts. Ireland can lead on this, and there’s no more time to waste. I truly believe we’ve gotten this far because ordinary people all over the country have spoken out and demanded action. We have to keep doing so, starting outside the Dáil next Weds 22nd and at the @ipsc48 march in Dublin this Saturday 25th. See you there. Frances