TRACYNITHER NICOLAS

More disturbing information is emerging linking President Bola Tinubu @officialABAT 's son-in-law, Oyetunde Oladimeji Ojo, who is MD of the Federal Housing Authority (FHA), to individuals we have identified as members of the killer squad that attempted to assassinate members of my team and me in Ado-Ekiti last week. Investigations have uncovered allegations that Tinubu's politically connected associates have helped shield these individuals from justice for years, even after the individual shot and killed a police woman in Omuo-Ekiti in 2021 during a bye-election, despite their involvement in serious political violence. Same Sola Adenijo, aka "Solar," is also the treasurer of the Ekiti State branch of #CityBoyMovement run by @STinubu. The machete-wielding thug we identified in video footage brutally attacking members of our team in Ado-Ekiti, Ayodeji Akintade Ijarotimi Ifeoluwa, popularly known as “AK,” is identified as the Chief Security Officer (CSO) of the #CityBoyMovement in Ekiti State! Even more disturbing, former NANS President and Tinubu's aide on Student Engagement, Sunday Adedayo Asefon, is identified as the Chief Patron of the City Boys Movement. We have accused Asefon of supervising and coordinating the brutal attack against us on October 30, 2026, he can't deny. Furthermore, the Presidency's deafening silence over the brutal attack tells what was known in Abuja, who authorized the operation, and why those responsible are being protected.

Here is Ayodeji Akintade Ifeoluwa, popularly known as “AK,” whom we identified as one of the armed attackers who attempted to assassinate me and members of my team in Ado-Ekiti on October 30, 2026, openly participating in Thursday's campaign activities for Bola Ahmed Tinubu alongside executives of the Ekiti State chapter of the City Boys Movement! This is the same individual we identified in video footage wielding a machete and violently attacking members of our team in broad daylight. Yet, to date, the Nigeria Police Force has not arrested him or publicly explained what investigative steps it has taken concerning his alleged involvement. When the City Boy Movement Ekiti chapter hurriedly denied involvement in the attack, its leadership never imagined we would obtain video footage and identify individuals we believe participated in the violence. Governor @biodunaoyebanji and his administration probably never anticipated that we would conduct our own independent investigation, uncover information linking individuals associated with his government to the attack, and trace phones and devices stolen from us to locations inside the Government House and Governor's Lodge in Ado-Ekiti. When we publicly disclosed these findings, the authorities went quiet. They were shocked. Ekiti State Commissioner of Police, Michael Falade, initially dismissed the attack as a mere "altercation." His officers subsequently removed CCTV equipment from the restaurant, which was later returned with its recordings erased. We have also received information of the involvement of DSS operatives in the handling of that evidence as well as tracking and disclosing our movements in Ekiti state. When we released video footage showing the brutality of the attack, the police offered no satisfactory explanation. Instead, they hurriedly arraigned 11 persons before a Chief Magistrate's Court, where they were granted bail. None of those arraigned, to our knowledge, was among the principal attackers we publicly identified. Now, "AK" is back on the streets campaigning for Tinubu alongside the very City Boys Movement executives whose involvement we have demanded be investigated! No action has been taken against one ASIWAJU Kasali Oluwafemi @kasalioluwafem1 , the Ekiti State City Boys Movement leader whom we previously accused of issuing threats against me. He was gleefully celebrating the attacks on us because he had foreknowledge of it and was involved in planning it. What about @Asefon_Sunday Asefon Sunday Dayo, former NANS President and Tinubu's aide on student engagement, whom our sources accuse of mobilizing and financing armed men for the attack with backing from Aso Rock Villa, assisted particularly by Bola Ahmed Tinubu @officialABAT's son-in-law, Oyetunde Oladimeji Ojo, who is the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of the Federal Housing Authority (FHA). Where is Sola Adenijo, popularly known as "Solar," whom we identified as a principal leader of the assailants on the ground? Sola is also the Treasurer of the #CityBoy Movement in Ekiti State. What action has been taken concerning Makinde Araoye @mkdAraoye's organizer of the Ikogosi Marathon, who allegedly had prior knowledge of the attack? What about CSP Ayodele Akinlua, Chief Security Officer to Governor Biodun Oyebanji, who warned hours before the violence that my safety could not be guaranteed? And what about former RRS Commander CSP Marcus Olaosebikan Ogundola, whom our sources accuse of being present with police personnel during the attack and participating in efforts to interfere with CCTV evidence? They are hoping this crime will disappear from public attention like so many other cases of political violence in Nigeria. They are mistaken! #RevolutionNow #Sowore2027 #TinubuMustGo

Earlier today, after I publicly disclosed the names and designations of those who sponsored, coordinated, and participated in the attempted assassination of me and members of my team in Ado-Ekiti last Friday, the Commander of the Rapid Response Squad (RRS) of the Ekiti State Police Command, Ogidan, hurriedly called me, claiming that the police suddenly needed my “statement.” I was not surprised. This appears to be yet another attempt to create the impression that the police are conducting serious “investigations”, when everything we have witnessed so far points to a continuing cover-up. I reminded Commander Ogidan that I had repeatedly tried, without success, to reach him for updates on the investigation after he suddenly hung up on me on Sunday when I first reached out to him. I then asked him straightforwardly. Have you arrested any of the individuals we publicly identified, particularly those whose faces were clearly captured in the video footage of the attack? I specifically raised the involvement of the Ekiti State Rapid Response Squad (RRS), who we have identified as being on the scene; today, we learned that CSP Marcus Olaosebikan Ogundola, a retired police officer and former Commander, had led a contingent of RRS personnel to supervise and film the attack against us. I also confronted him with our information linking police to the removal of the restaurant’s CCTV equipment in collaboration with DSS operatives. I further asked Commander Ogidan how the police managed to arrest and arraign 11 suspects, who have reportedly now been granted bail, without first obtaining the very “statement” they suddenly claim is indispensable to their investigation. How did they identify the suspects, conduct investigations, and take them to court without my statement, only to suddenly insist that they cannot proceed without it after we exposed the identities of those behind the attack? Rather than provide clear answers, Commander Ogidan became evasive and eventually ended the call abruptly, as has become the pattern whenever we demand more information. #TinubuMustGo

BREAKING: MAJOR BREAKTHROUGH AS CHILLING ATTACK VIDEO REVEALS FACES OF ATTACKERS IN BRUTAL ASSAULT ON @SOWORE, TEAM IN ADO-EKITI Fresh video evidence has emerged showing the faces of individuals identified as participants in the October 30, 2026, armed attack on leaders and me, as well as members of the African Action Congress (AAC) and members of his team in Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State, who assaulted one of our team members. The breakthrough comes amid disturbing revelations that CCTV recordings from Tawakalitu Restaurant, where the attack occurred, have reportedly been completely erased after police officers and the DSS took possession of the equipment and took it to Government House only to return it this evening without any images. Today, I contacted the Ekiti State Commissioner of Police, Michael Falade; the Ado-Ekiti Central Police Station DPO, Mustapha Mohammed; and the state's Rapid Response Squad (RRS) Commander to demand updates on the investigation. Shockingly, the officers claimed there was "no complainant" because I had not submitted a written statement, despite police rescuing the victims, taking them to their hospital, arresting suspects, and recovering weapons, stolen phones, and other devices. I questioned the officers about stolen phones electronically traced to the Governor's Lodge and the missing CCTV recordings; they denied knowledge and abruptly ended their conversations. In another development, Tawakalitu Restaurant management reportedly confirmed that a DPO returned the CCTV equipment, but the recordings had been completely wiped. The management refused to identify the officer responsible for returning the equipment. This is an indication of a coordinated cover-up by the @PoliceNG hierarchy in Ekiti State However, the newly recovered video provides crucial leads in identifying individuals involved in the attack. Their identities and roles need a credible independent body to investigate, and we call for the removal of the CP and other officers involved in the cover-up. SEE BELOW THE BREAKTHROUGH VIDEO SHOWING THE FACES OF ATTACKERS IN ACTION. #RevolutionNow

This morning, we tracked two of the devices violently robbed from members of our team during the brutal attack in Ado-Ekiti on Friday, October 30, 2026, and the locations are deeply disturbing. One phone was traced to a location directly opposite the office of the Executive Governor of Ekiti State, while our other devices were located opposite Fajuyi Park in Ado-Ekiti. Meanwhile, the Nigeria Police Force @PoliceNG and the @OfficialDSSNG have yet to release the CCTV footage seized from Tawakalitu Restaurant, where we were attacked. RELEASE THE CCTV FOOTAGE NOW!

My interview today with Seun Okinbaloye on @channelstv #PoliticsToday had some intense moments. At one point, I had to call Seun out for being insensitive when he asked whether I was a threat to the government.

You’ve spent over three decades challenging governments and fighting for change. Looking at Nigeria today, do you believe your activism has made a real difference, or do you sometimes feel you’re still fighting the same battles? Absolutely, my activism has made a difference, and I have no regrets whatsoever. But I have never confused progress with victory. We are still fighting some of the same battles because the political class that has held Nigeria hostage has continued to reproduce itself, changing political parties, slogans, and alliances while preserving the same oppressive system. When I started activism as a student leader at the University of Lagos, military dictators ruled Nigeria. We confronted them even when doing so could cost us our education, our freedom, or our lives. We fought for democracy, freedom of expression, including the struggle for independent media, accountable leadership, and the dignity of ordinary Nigerians. Today, Nigerians can openly challenge presidents, organise resistance movements, expose corruption, and confront injustice in ways that were once almost unimaginable. Those freedoms were not donated by benevolent rulers. People fought, suffered, and sometimes died for them. We founded @sahararepoters to challenge the monopoly of information controlled by powerful interests. We declared #RevolutionNow when many believed Nigerians had lost the capacity to resist. We have helped defend citizens whose rights were violated, including people who had no political connections or financial resources; in some cases, we fought for people who are themselves tools for oppression, like we did with #POLICEPROTEST in 2025. But the fundamental struggle remains unfinished. We removed military uniforms from government without dismantling the mentality of military dictatorship. We replaced military decrees with constitution that the military imposed upon Nigeria, and which are too often disregarded by those in power. So, yes, we are still fighting, but we are not standing in the same place. Every generation of resistance builds on the previous one. The struggle is not evidence of failure. Surrender would have been failure. You’ve been arrested and detained several times, yet you continue to speak out. Have you ever considered a less confrontational approach, or do you believe confrontation is necessary to bring about change? What exactly is a less confrontational approach to oppression? Should I politely request that corrupt politicians stop stealing? Should I beg security agencies to respect fundamental human rights? Should I whisper when Nigerians are being kidnapped, impoverished, tortured, or unlawfully detained? People often confuse confrontation with violence. I have consistently advocated organized, principled and nonviolent resistance. But nonviolence does not mean silence, submission, or cowardice. I have been arrested, detained, assaulted, prosecuted, and subjected to restrictions on my movement. My family has paid an enormous price. Yet the question should not be why I continue confronting injustice. The question should be why those responsible for injustice continue operating with impunity. When we declared #RevolutionNow in 2019, the government responded with repression because it understood that organised citizens could challenge entrenched political power. I do not wake up looking for confrontation. I wake up determined not to surrender my rights or abandon those whose rights are being violated. There is nothing radical about demanding electricity, education, healthcare, living wages, and security. What is radical is expecting nearly 250 million people to endure avoidable suffering indefinitely. I am not confrontational because I enjoy confrontation. I am confrontational because injustice must be confronted. @SaharaReporters changed the way Nigerians consume political news and hold public officials accountable. But you’re also an activist and politician. How do you separate your political interests from the journalism of the platform you founded? @SaharaReporters was founded on a simple but revolutionary principle: information belongs to the people, not to those who occupy political offices or control economic power. Long before I became a presidential candidate, @SaharaReporters was exposing corruption, challenging powerful institutions, and giving ordinary Nigerians a platform to tell stories that conventional media organizations were unwilling or unable to publish. When I entered partisan politics, I understood the importance of maintaining the editorial independence of the organization. @SaharaReporters has its own editorial structure, journalists, and professional responsibilities. I do not expect journalists there to become my campaign spokespersons or suppress stories because they may be politically inconvenient. The standard I have always defended is straightforward, it is that journalism must follow evidence, not political loyalty. I have been criticised by @SaharaReporters writers and commentators, and the platform has reported stories involving individuals associated with my political activities. That is precisely how independent journalism should function. There is also a fundamental difference between having political convictions and corrupting journalism. Every journalist is a citizen with rights, opinions, and convictions. The ethical obligation is to ensure that reporting remains independent, verifiable, and accountable. @SaharaReporters was not established to protect Omoyele Sowore. It was established to challenge the abuse of power, whoever exercises it. If I ever become president, @SaharaReporters must retain the freedom to investigate and expose my government. Anything less would betray the reason we founded it. You’ve contested the presidency twice without gaining significant electoral support. What have those experiences taught you, and what will you do differently in 2027? First, I reject the suggestion that the value of a political movement can be measured exclusively by the number of votes officially recorded in an electoral system whose credibility has repeatedly been questioned. That does not mean I dismiss electoral results. It means we must understand the conditions under which elections take place: vote buying, intimidation, unequal access to resources, institutional weaknesses, and the entrenched advantages enjoyed by established political parties that steal public funds to do unethical electioneering and rig electoral outcomes. In 2019, we introduced a revolutionary political alternative that challenged the traditional political establishment. In 2023, we continued building that movement under extremely difficult circumstances. Those experiences taught us important lessons about organization, grassroots structures, political education, election-day mobilization, voter protection, and the necessity of building a movement that exists beyond election seasons. For 2027, we are strengthening our party structures, expanding community engagement, developing more effective digital organizing systems, and building stronger relationships with workers, students, farmers, traders, professionals, and Nigerians in the diaspora. We are also making our policy proposals more accessible so Nigerians can understand exactly what a revolutionary government would mean for their daily lives; that’s why we are the only candidate with an app, #SOWORENOW, downloadable from the Android and Apple app stores. But one thing will not change: we will not abandon our principles to become acceptable to the same establishment we are challenging. I did not enter politics to become another familiar face in a failed political arrangement. I entered politics to change that arrangement fundamentally. Beyond protests and social media, how do you intend to reach everyday Nigerians and convince them to vote for you? What is your campaign strategy this time? One of the biggest misconceptions about our movement is that it exists only on social media. That is simply untrue. We have been organizing in communities, universities, workplaces, markets, villages and cities across Nigeria for decades. Many of the people who participate in our struggles are not even active on social media. In 2024, our movement, led by TakeITBack, shook this country with the #ENDBADGOVERNANCE protest. For 2027, our approach combines direct grassroots engagement with modern technology and sustained political education. We are organizing town hall meetings, community conversations, market visits, workplace engagements, student outreach, neighborhood mobilization, and direct engagement with Nigerians excluded from conventional political discussions. We are strengthening the African Action Congress (AAC) structures and encouraging our supporters to coordinate their activities rather than operate as isolated individuals or spend endless hours discussing politics without translating those conversations into real organization. We are also deploying digital tools, including the SoworeNow platform, to improve communication, volunteer coordination, and public participation. Of course, our campaign will not be built around distributing bags of rice or purchasing political loyalty. It will be built around discussing people’s actual problems and presenting clear, practical alternatives. When I visit a fishing community in the Niger Delta, I want to discuss waterways, livelihoods, environmental justice and transportation. When I meet teachers, we discuss salaries, classrooms and qualitative education. When I meet young people, we discuss employment, technology, and opportunities. Our strategy is to take politics away from the exclusive control of political contractors and return it to ordinary Nigerians. Running for president in Nigeria requires a lot of money. How are you funding your campaign, who are your financial backers, and how do you intend to compete with the resources available to the major political parties? Our campaign is funded through contributions from supporters, volunteers and ordinary Nigerians who believe in the political alternative we are presenting. We are not funded by political godfathers who expect oil blocks, government contracts, ministerial appointments or access to the national treasury in exchange for campaign financing. We have demonstrated that people are willing to contribute when they believe in a cause. During a recent fundraising challenge, we set a target of ₦1 million in 48 hours and received approximately ₦5.5 million in less than 24 hours. That is the kind of citizen-powered political financing we want to institutionalize. I also reject the notion that Nigerian elections must necessarily be competitions between billionaires spending questionable fortunes. Why should someone seeking public office require extraordinary personal wealth? Why should access to political leadership depend on the capacity to distribute money rather than the quality of ideas, integrity and public service? We intend to use our resources efficiently, disclose campaign financing in accordance with applicable laws, and prioritize grassroots organizing, volunteer networks, and direct engagement. Money can purchase billboards, advertisements and political operatives. It cannot legitimately purchase the conscience of an entire nation. We are not looking for investors who want to buy Nigeria through our campaign. We are building a movement of citizens who want to reclaim their country. Many Nigerians know what you’re fighting against, but perhaps fewer know what you would do differently. If elected president, what would be your first three priorities? I have never been interested in merely criticising government. We have developed concrete proposals for transforming Nigeria, and our priorities are clear. First, economic justice and the restoration of living standards. We will pursue a ₦500,000 monthly minimum wage as part of a broader living-wage policy, confront the outrageous cost of governance, eliminate wasteful privileges, and redirect public resources toward productive sectors. We will pursue the restoration of fuel subsidies within a transparent, accountable framework while developing affordable mass transportation, expanding domestic refining capacity, and addressing the structural problems in the energy sector. We will also begin an ambitious public housing program, including our proposal for one million mixed-income homes, and initiate tenancy reforms to protect Nigerians from exploitative rent demands. Second, we will provide free, quality education and accessible healthcare. Education will be free, qualitative, accessible and compulsory from primary school through public university. We will invest in teachers, learning infrastructure, instructional materials, virtual learning (e-learning), school meals, and the safety of students. Healthcare will be treated as a fundamental public responsibility rather than a privilege reserved for those who can afford private hospitals or overseas treatment. We will invest in primary healthcare, medical professionals, public hospitals, and the systems needed to deliver effective services across the country. Third, security, justice and the complete restructuring of public accountability. We will confront insecurity with intelligence-led policing, modern technology, better-equipped security institutions and improved welfare for security personnel. We will end the routine weaponization of security agencies against critics and peaceful protesters. We will pursue corruption cases through due process, strengthen institutional transparency and deploy modern technologies to make government expenditure traceable and publicly accountable. We will also begin reforms to restore confidence in the judiciary and guarantee that the law applies equally to ordinary citizens and political officeholders. These priorities are interconnected. You cannot achieve meaningful security while millions are trapped in desperation. You cannot create prosperity without education. You cannot build public trust when corruption is rewarded. Our objective is not simply to change the occupants of government offices. It is to change what government does, whom it serves, and how it is held accountable. You’ve spent years criticizing how Nigeria is governed. But there’s a difference between demanding change and being responsible for delivering it. Why should Nigerians trust you to lead the country? Leadership is not the ability to occupy an office, ride in a convoy, distribute patronage or deliver speeches written by advisers. Leadership is the capacity to identify problems, mobilize people, make difficult decisions and accept responsibility for the consequences. For more than three decades, I have organized people, built institutions, challenged powerful interests and remained consistent in my commitments. I established @SaharaReporters as an independent media platform that challenged powerful political and economic interests. I have participated in building political movements, organizing citizens and defending people whose rights were violated. These are not theoretical experiences. They involve organizational discipline, difficult decisions, financial pressures, strategic planning, and accountability. I also understand that running a country is different from leading a protest. Government requires competent institutions, capable professionals, clear priorities, disciplined implementation, and measurable outcomes. I do not intend to govern Nigeria as a one-man spectacle. I intend to assemble capable Nigerians, empower institutions and establish clear standards of public accountability. The difference between my approach and the conventional political culture is that I do not believe public office confers personal ownership of the state. Nigerians should not trust me blindly. They should examine my record, interrogate my proposals, demand transparency and hold me accountable to measurable commitments. I am not asking Nigerians to replace one unquestionable ruler with another. I am proposing a government that citizens have the power to question, challenge and hold accountable. You’ve been involved in activism for most of your adult life. How has that affected your family and personal relationships, and have you ever wondered what your life might have been like if you’d chosen a different path? The greatest personal cost of activism is not imprisonment. It is the time you lose with the people you love. I have spent years separated from my family because of political persecution, detention, court proceedings, and restrictions on my movement. There were birthdays, anniversaries, school events, and ordinary family moments I could not attend. Those moments cannot simply be recovered. Recently, I was able to spend time with my wife and children in the United States after a prolonged separation. My son turned 17, and we marked our 22nd wedding anniversary. Experiences like those remind you that behind every public struggle there are private sacrifices that people rarely see. My family did not volunteer to experience every consequence of my political convictions, yet they have carried those burdens with extraordinary resilience. Of course, I sometimes imagine what life might have been like if I had chosen a quieter path. I could have concentrated on journalism, business, family, and personal comfort. But I also ask myself what would have happened if everyone who recognized injustice decided that personal comfort was more important than confronting it. I cannot pretend the sacrifices have been easy. They have not. My family deserves more of my time, and I remain conscious of that responsibility. But I would rather explain to my children why I stood against injustice than explain why I remained silent when I had the opportunity to resist it. People often describe you as fearless, outspoken and controversial. Do you think that public image reflects who you really are, or is there a side of you Nigerians rarely get to see? I find the description of fearlessness interesting because courage is not necessarily the absence of fear. Courage is understanding the consequences of your actions and refusing to abandon what is right because those consequences are uncomfortable. I am outspoken because I believe Nigerians have suffered enough from politicians who speak in coded language, avoid difficult questions and say whatever is convenient. As for being controversial, I have discovered that in Nigeria, standing firm and refusing to genuflect to powerful people is often enough to earn that description. But there is much more to me than the image people see during protests, interviews, or confrontations with security agencies. I enjoy humour. I laugh a lot. I value friendships. I love my family. I enjoy meeting ordinary people and listening to their experiences. I am also deeply interested in technology, innovation, journalism, history, sports and the possibilities of human creativity. People who know me personally understand that I am not permanently angry. In fact, I enjoy life enormously. I can be uncompromising about principles without being incapable of affection, friendship or laughter. The public sees me confronting power. Those close to me also see someone who loves people, enjoys life and believes that a better world is possible. Away from politics, protests and public debates, what does a normal day in your life look like? How do you relax, and what are the little things that make you happy? I enjoy running. It has become an important part of my daily routine and a source of personal discipline. I participate in road races and long-distance runs whenever possible. Recently, I completed the Abeokuta 10-kilometer Road Race, and I have participated in races in Enugu, Abuja, and the United States. Running gives me an opportunity to think, clear my mind, and maintain the physical and mental stamina required for the work I do. I also enjoy reading, following technological developments, watching interesting documentaries, engaging in conversations, and spending time talking to people and listening. I love visiting communities, particularly the riverine areas where I grew up. Returning to Kiribo and interacting with people who knew me long before politics is always a special experience. I enjoy the waterways, the natural environment and the simplicity of community life. And splashing down in water whenever possible, I am an avid swimmer. Some of my happiest moments are ordinary ones. I also enjoy meeting creative people who are creating things, developing new ideas and refusing to surrender to the limitations imposed on them. People sometimes imagine that activism is an existence without joy. That is not true. I fight for a better Nigeria precisely because I believe people deserve to enjoy life, pursue happiness and realize their potential without constantly struggling merely to survive. You’ve spent much of your life fighting for the Nigeria you believe in. If you never become president, what would make you feel that all those years of activism were worthwhile? I did not begin fighting for Nigeria because I wanted to become president. I began fighting because I could not accept injustice, dictatorship, corruption, and the deliberate destruction of human potential. I was confronting military dictators long before the idea of contesting a presidential election became part of my political journey. The presidency is not the ultimate purpose of my struggle. It is an instrument through which I believe we can accelerate the transformation Nigeria desperately needs. Of course, I want to become president, and I am working seriously toward that objective. I am not participating in elections merely to make a statement or decorate the ballot paper. But my life cannot be reduced to whether I eventually occupy Aso Rock. If Nigeria becomes a country where a child born in Kiribo, Maiduguri, Sokoto, Makurdi, or any other community has the same opportunity to succeed as the child of a president, that would be a victory. If workers can live decently on their wages, if public education works, if hospitals save lives, if young people can find meaningful employment and if citizens can criticise government without fearing arrest, those would be victories worth fighting for. If future generations no longer have to organize protests simply to demand the basic necessities of civilized existence, then we will have achieved something historic. And if the movements we have built inspire another generation of Nigerians to challenge injustice and defend their rights, our sacrifices will never have been wasted. I have never believed that one individual must personally enjoy the fruits of every struggle he participates in. Some people plant trees under whose shade they may never sit. But I am not finished planting, organizing or fighting. I intend to see the transformation we have struggled for become a reality. I want to become president because I want to change Nigeria. But I did not start fighting to become president, and I will not stop fighting because of an election result. My ultimate ambition is not to be remembered as a president. It is to help build a Nigeria where no citizen needs extraordinary courage simply to live with dignity, freedom, and justice. INTERVIEW Omoyele Sowore: Protest as Platform Konye Chelsea Nwabogor ON @THISDAYLIVE STYLE