Part Libertarian, part Conservative, all sarcastic | Army VeteranđŸ‡ș🇾

People’s Republic of Eriador
Joined September 2024
Quote for the day: “A man's face is his autobiography. A woman's face is her work of fiction.” ~ Oscar Wilde
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That Guy, Fawkes retweeted
60 Minutes just got caught leaving out the best part. They sold America a sob story about a "Texas father" who got deported with no criminal record. What they didn't tell you is that he's an illegal alien from Mali who has had a final removal order from a judge since 2012. DHS's top lawyer pulled his file. The reason he gave for fearing a return to Mali was that he's gay. The man is married to a woman and has kids. That's the asylum scam in one case file. 60 Minutes didn't uncover a wrongful deportation. Either they got played, or they played you.
A Texas father who had lived in the U.S. for 25 years with no criminal record was finishing his night shift as an Uber driver when immigration agents detained him. Without being able to speak to his lawyer or a judge, he was put on a plane and sent first to Ghana, a country where he had no ties. He was then sent to his home country, despite a determination by a U.S. immigration court judge that he could not be deported there due to likely persecution. cbsn.ws/3Ude66r
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Trotsky – The Myth. Ask a Western leftist which communist he admires, and you often get the same answer: Trotsky. The intellectual. The orator. The true revolutionary, betrayed by Stalin. If only he had won
 Look at the young Trotsky in the picture: round glasses, wild hair, burning eyes. Many young leftists today would recognize themselves in him. The look hasn’t changed. Neither has the certainty. So let’s look at what he did when he had power. Born in 1879 in what is now southern Ukraine, Trotsky was a brilliant writer and a spellbinding speaker. In October 1917, he played a central role in organizing the Bolshevik seizure of power. Then Lenin made him Commissar for War, and he built the Red Army, directing it from an armoured train that rushed from front to front. Deserters were shot. Military discipline was enforced through executions. Blocking detachments were deployed to stop retreating soldiers, and former tsarist officers recruited into the Red Army were kept under surveillance by political commissars. Their families were sometimes held hostage to guarantee their loyalty. Cruelty knows no limits when you have no doubts. In 1920, the Red Army marched on Warsaw. It was stopped on the Vistula. That same year, Trotsky published an entire book, Terrorism and Communism, explaining why revolutionary terror was necessary. He wanted labour militarized too: workers organized like soldiers, subjected to military discipline and compelled to serve the needs of the state. In 1921, the sailors of Kronstadt – once hailed as the pride of the revolution – demanded free elections to the soviets. Trotsky supported the suppression of the revolt. Thousands were killed in the assault or executed afterwards. Then he lost the power struggle to Stalin. Expelled, exiled, forced abroad. From there, he wrote that the revolution had been betrayed – by Stalin, never by himself. He ended up in Mexico City, where he stayed for a time with Frida Kahlo and Diego Rivera. And so the Western romance took shape: the exiled prophet, the revolutionary betrayed, the road not taken. In August 1940, a Soviet agent who had gained his confidence entered his study and struck him with an ice axe. The machine Trotsky had helped build had come for him too. His killer later received the Soviet Union’s highest honour. Trotsky was not the alternative to Stalin. He was the same machine – only with better prose. He never rejected the terror. He rejected losing control of it. The "good communist" is always the one who lost. Next: Stalin.
The Butchers – The Men Who Ran the Soviet Terror. Moscow, a winter night in 1937. Long past midnight in the Kremlin, a man with a pipe sits at his desk under a lamp. In front of him, a stack of typed lists – names, one per line. He runs a blue pencil down the pages. A tick. A note in the margin. Sometimes a name crossed out, sometimes one added. The same pencil he uses to edit film scripts and poems. His officials stay awake at home, next to the phone, in case he calls before dawn. Hundreds of lists. Tens of thousands of names. On a single day, December 12, 1937, he and Molotov approved more than three thousand death sentences. Then, historians tell us, they went to watch a film. But Stalin didn't invent the machine. He perfected it. In August 1918, Lenin sent a telegram to his comrades: hang at least a hundred kulaks – hang them so that people see it for hundreds of kilometers around. Trotsky, the "good communist" of Western nostalgia, ordered the families of officers taken as hostages. The founders gave the orders. Then the machine needed men – men who would build the apparatus, fill the camps, write the confessions and pull the triggers. And sooner or later, it devoured many of them. 1. Dzerzhinsky – the Founder. "Iron Felix," a Polish noble's son, who built the Cheka in 1917. 2. Trotsky – the Myth. The revolutionary Western intellectuals still romanticize, who wrote a whole book defending terror – until the machine he helped build killed him with an ice axe. 3. Stalin – the Editor. The man at the desk, with the blue pencil, long past midnight. 4. Yagoda – the Builder. The Gulag as an economy: canals dug by prisoners who died by the tens of thousands. Then shot by his own machine. 5. Vyshinsky – the Prosecutor. "Confession is the queen of evidence" – so he got confessions. "Shoot the mad dogs!" at the show trials, then the Soviet seat at the United Nations. 6. Yezhov – the Butcher. The Great Terror, the quotas, the Polish operation – then shot, and erased from the photographs. 7. Beria – the Strategist. Katyn, the atomic bomb, the deportations – and a predator. Shot by his own colleagues three months after Stalin's death. 8. Blokhin – the Executioner. In the spring of 1940, at Kalinin, he personally shot thousands of Polish prisoners over a few weeks, in a leather apron and cap. 9. Serov – the Hunter of Poland. He crushed the Home Army, lured the leaders of the Polish Underground State to "talks" and had them tried in Moscow. Then Hungary in 1956, and the first chairman of the KGB. 10. Andropov – the Modernizer. Dissidents sent to psychiatric hospitals instead of camps: softer, quieter – same goal: erasing people. The first secret police chief to rule the country. 11. Epilogue – The Chekists Never Left. From the KGB to the FSB to the Kremlin. Why name them? Because their whole work was erasure – of people, of records, of memory. Remembering is the opposite of what they did. And erasure didn't die with them. Today it rarely needs a bullet. It is called cancelling, deplatforming, debanking, lawfare. The inconvenient person isn't shot – he is removed: from his job, his bank account, his platform, the conversation. Yezhov needed a retoucher. Today a terms-of-service update does the job. For Poles, these are not names from a history book. They are the names behind our grandparents' graves – and that is why we recognize their heirs.
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Quote for the day: “Anytime a person goes into a delicatessen and orders a pastrami on white bread, somewhere a Jew dies.” ~ Milton Berle
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Quote for the day: “They could hug you, they could kiss you, they could smile, and they could shoot you in the fucking head.” ~ Sammy Gravano; speaking on the two-faced nature of Mafia life
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That Guy, Fawkes retweeted
Want to know the difference between communism and capitalism? You don't need a history book. Look no further than the Korean Peninsula. In 1953 the Korean War came to ceasefire and one country became two. Same people. Same language. Same history. Same starting line. The North chose communism. The South chose capitalism. Here is the scorecard 72 years later. ECONOMY - South Korea: 14th largest economy in the world. - North Korea: 150th. - Per person, South Korea ranks 37th. North Korea ranks 214th. - In 2025 South Korea exported $709.7 billion in goods. A record. - North Korea's total trade with China, its biggest partner, was $2.7 billion. - South Korea exports that much in less than a day and a half. HEALTH - South Korea: #5 in the world for life expectancy. - North Korea: #136. - Be born north of the line and you lose 10 years of life. - A North Korean child is 6 times more likely to die before age 5. FOOD - The UN says about 46% of North Koreans are undernourished. - That is nearly 12 million people. TECH - South Korea: #4 most innovative country on Earth. - Two South Korean companies make 70% of the world's memory chips. - South Korea sold $173 billion in chips last year alone. - 97% of South Koreans are online. - In North Korea, fewer than 10,000 people can reach the internet. That is less than 0.1% of the country. LIGHTS - Look at the peninsula from space at night. - South Korea glows. - North Korea is almost completely dark. Even the capital is a dim dot. FREEDOM - Freedom House scores South Korea 83 out of 100. - North Korea scores 3. One of the lowest on Earth. EXPORTS - South Korea gives the world Samsung, Hyundai and Blackpink. - North Korea gives the world rockets
 crappy ones. Same people. Same land. Different system. Watch the line.
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That Guy, Fawkes retweeted
Two anchor babies are just 48 electoral votes from subverting the will of the people and nullifying the presidential votes of American citizens across entire states. The National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (NPVIC) 18 states + DC have signed a compact to give all their electoral votes to the candidate who wins the national popular vote, even if that candidate loses every one of those states. Current status: Currently at 222. They only need 48 more. Main targets: Pennsylvania (19), Michigan (15), Arizona (11), Wisconsin (10), Nevada (6). Who designed it? Created by anchor baby brothers Akhil Amar and Vikram Amar, both born in the US to parents who were on temporary visas. Illegal? ‱ Violates the Compact Clause: states cannot make agreements that change the federal system without congressional consent. ‱ Undermines Article II: each state is supposed to appoint its own electors, this hands that power to the national popular vote. ‱ Bypasses Article V, changes the presidential election system without a constitutional amendment. ‱ Cancels the votes of people inside the compact states whenever they disagree with the national result. ‱ All current members are Democratic led states, no Republican controlled state has joined. Once activated: A candidate can lose every participating state and still receive all their electoral votes. List of states that have signed the compact: California (54) New York (28) Illinois (19) New Jersey (14) Virginia (13) Washington (12) Massachusetts (11) Maryland (10) Colorado (10) Minnesota (10) Oregon (8) Connecticut (7) New Mexico (5) Hawaii (4) Maine (4) Rhode Island (4) Delaware (3) Vermont (3) District of Columbia (3)
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Quote for the day: “The darkness was not like a moonless or cloudy night, but more like a closed room with all the lights put out.” ~ Pliny the Younger; describing the utter blackness inside the volcanic ash cloud from Mt. Vesuvius after its eruption
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Somewhere along the way, we stopped putting entire D&D campaigns on the sides of vans. That’s when everything went wrong. 😎
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Quote for the day: “Heaven cannot brook two suns, nor earth two masters.” ~ Alexander the Great; in justification of his conquests
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Quote for the day: “A man deserves a second chance, but keep an eye on him.” ~ John Wayne
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Quote for the day: “There are some roads which must not be followed, some armies which must not be attacked, some towns which must not be besieged, some positions which must not be contested, some commands of the sovereign which must not be obeyed.” ~ Sun Tzu
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Quote for the day: “If one morning I walked on water across the Potomac River, the headline that afternoon would read: ‘President Can't Swim’”~ Lyndon B. Johnson; on the fundamental dishonesty of the media
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That Guy, Fawkes retweeted
My dear American friends, in my last post I gave you a snapshot of where France stands today. Now let me show you how we got here. I want you to see the whole movie before you buy the ticket. After the war, France was a machine. We called it the Trente Glorieuses, thirty glorious years. We built Concorde, the most beautiful aircraft ever made. We built a fleet of nuclear reactors in about fifteen years and gave ourselves some of the cleanest, cheapest electricity in the world. We built Ariane and put Europe in space. We built the TGV, the fastest train on earth. We invented the Minitel, an online network in millions of homes before most of you had heard of the internet. We were not a museum. We were builders. Then came 1981. François Mitterrand. Think of him as our Bernie Sanders, except he actually won. At his side, in the office next to his at the ÉlysĂ©e, sat a 37-year-old prodigy named Jacques Attali, his special adviser for the next ten years. The brightest minds of the left, convinced they could run an economy from a ministry. Here's what they did. They governed with Communist ministers. In 1982 they nationalized dozens of banks and the biggest industrial groups in the country: Paribas, Suez, Saint-Gobain, Thomson, Pechiney, RhĂŽne-Poulenc. They lowered the retirement age to 60. They cut the work week to 39 hours and added a fifth week of paid vacation. They created a wealth tax. They hired massively into the public sector. Reality hit in less than two years. Capital fled, inflation ran wild, and the franc was devalued three times. In March 1983 Mitterrand had to slam on the brakes and impose austerity just to stay in the European monetary system. But here's the trick: the brakes never reversed anything. They just slowed the ratchet. The so-called right came back with Jacques Chirac, and nothing was undone. Under Chirac's presidency, France passed the 35-hour work week. Left or right, every government added one more program, one more rule, one more tax, and nobody ever took one away. At the same time, the political class did something even more destructive than bad economics. It turned the youth into a political instrument. Instead of teaching young people, including millions of children of immigrants, to love the country they lived in, it taught them a story of guilt and grievance: France as the oppressor, France as the thing to resent. You cannot integrate people into a country you've taught them to despise. We are living with the consequences of that narrative today, in our schools, our suburbs, our streets. Then forty years of slow decline, all the way to Macron. And the story has a perfect ending. In 2007, Jacques Attali chaired a commission on how to unleash French growth. Its deputy rapporteur was a young civil servant named Emmanuel Macron. The commission proposed more than 300 reforms to free the economy. Almost none were ever implemented. Even the men who built the system knew it wasn't working, and even they couldn't undo it. No balanced budget since 1974. Public spending around 57% of GDP. Debt above 3,300 billion euros. Growth stuck under 1%. Now the number that should keep you up at night. In 1995, GDP per person in France was about $27,000. In America, about $29,000. We were neck and neck. Today France is around $49,000. America is around $90,000. You are now nearly twice as rich per person as we are. What changed? Not our talent. Not our engineers. Not our schools of mathematics. The only thing that changed is that we went all in on socialism. The 35 hours, the endless regulation, the taxes that chase out anyone who builds, the belief that the state should do everything and the individual should ask permission for everything. There's a line people love to attribute to Einstein: insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results. We tried. For forty years, we tried. Every government promised that one more program, one more tax, one more regulation would finally fix things. You just saw where it got us. So if you choose the Democratic Party, which is literally turning socialist in front of your eyes, you will deserve what comes next. Let me tell you exactly what will happen if you go down that road. Nobody will vote for decline. Every single measure will sound generous, compassionate, reasonable. Your builders will slowly leave or stop building. Your state will grow every year and never shrink. Your debt will compound. And in thirty years, your kids will look at a chart like the one I just described and wonder when it all went wrong. You still have something we lost. You have Elon Musk sending rockets to orbit and landing them on their tail. You have Palmer Luckey building the defense industry of the future. You have Jeff Bezos, Jensen Huang, and thousands of founders nobody has heard of yet, building in garages right now. Trust your entrepreneurs. Don't trust your politicians. I come from your future. Don't make it yours.
I’m French. I want to talk to Americans who are about to vote Democrat. Not to insult you. To warn you. I come from your future. In France we did everything your progressive politicians promise. Free healthcare, free college, generous welfare, strong unions, heavy regulation, high taxes on the rich, a state that takes care of everything. Public spending close to 57% of GDP, one of the highest on the planet. On paper, it’s the dream. Here’s what it looks like from the inside. France hasn’t passed a balanced budget since 1974. Our debt is above 3,300 billion euros. Interest on that debt is becoming one of the biggest items in the national budget. Our hospitals are collapsing despite record funding. Our schools rank lower every year. Young people with degrees can’t afford an apartment in the city they were born in. Our best engineers leave for London, Zurich and San Francisco. And the rich you wanted to tax? They left too, and took the jobs with them. The promise was protection. The result is stagnation. The worst part is that nobody in France voted for decline. Every single step sounded generous, compassionate, reasonable. One more program. One more regulation. One more tax to fund it. Each step alone makes sense. Fifty years of them, and you wake up in a country that can no longer build a nuclear plant on time or keep its streets safe. I love America because it’s the one place on earth where people still believe they can build something from nothing. I came to Silicon Valley as a self-taught kid and it changed my life. That spirit is the most precious thing your country has. Before you vote, ask yourself one question: is the program you’re voting for making America more like America, or more like France? Trust me. You don’t want to be France.
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Quote for the day: “Part of the pleasure of being alive is the knowledge that you're not dead yet.” ~ George Carlin
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Quote for the day: “In the first six to twelve months of a war with the United States and Great Britain I will run wild and win victory upon victory. But then, if the war continues after that, I have no expectation of success.” ~ Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto
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That Guy, Fawkes retweeted
I’m French. I want to talk to Americans who are about to vote Democrat. Not to insult you. To warn you. I come from your future. In France we did everything your progressive politicians promise. Free healthcare, free college, generous welfare, strong unions, heavy regulation, high taxes on the rich, a state that takes care of everything. Public spending close to 57% of GDP, one of the highest on the planet. On paper, it’s the dream. Here’s what it looks like from the inside. France hasn’t passed a balanced budget since 1974. Our debt is above 3,300 billion euros. Interest on that debt is becoming one of the biggest items in the national budget. Our hospitals are collapsing despite record funding. Our schools rank lower every year. Young people with degrees can’t afford an apartment in the city they were born in. Our best engineers leave for London, Zurich and San Francisco. And the rich you wanted to tax? They left too, and took the jobs with them. The promise was protection. The result is stagnation. The worst part is that nobody in France voted for decline. Every single step sounded generous, compassionate, reasonable. One more program. One more regulation. One more tax to fund it. Each step alone makes sense. Fifty years of them, and you wake up in a country that can no longer build a nuclear plant on time or keep its streets safe. I love America because it’s the one place on earth where people still believe they can build something from nothing. I came to Silicon Valley as a self-taught kid and it changed my life. That spirit is the most precious thing your country has. Before you vote, ask yourself one question: is the program you’re voting for making America more like America, or more like France? Trust me. You don’t want to be France.
Je n'ai jamais Ă©tĂ© aussi optimiste. Pas malgrĂ© le chaos actuel, mais grĂące Ă  lui. Je vais vous expliquer pourquoi l'empire du mensonge construit par la gauche depuis cinquante ans va s'effondrer, et pourquoi ce n'est pas une opinion mais une question de physique. Tout commence avec un mouvement nĂ© sur X il y a quelques annĂ©es : l'effective accelerationism, ou e/acc. Au dĂ©part, c'est une idĂ©e presque thermodynamique. L'univers a une tendance de fond : la matiĂšre s'organise pour capter et dissiper l'Ă©nergie de plus en plus efficacement. Une cellule fait ça. Une forĂȘt fait ça. Une civilisation fait ça. Le marchĂ©, la technologie et le capital sont les formes les plus avancĂ©es de ce processus. Ce sont des machines Ă  transformer l'Ă©nergie en intelligence, en abondance, en complexitĂ©. La thĂšse e/acc est simple : il ne faut pas freiner cette dynamique, il faut l'embrasser. Plus d'Ă©nergie, plus de calcul, plus d'innovation, plus de croissance. Monter sur l'Ă©chelle de Kardashev au lieu de s'excuser d'exister. En face, il y a les « dĂ©cels » : ceux qui veulent ralentir, rĂ©guler, taxer, interdire, culpabiliser. Ceux qui voient le progrĂšs comme une menace Ă  contenir plutĂŽt qu'une force Ă  libĂ©rer. Mais il y a une dimension de l'accĂ©lĂ©ration dont presque personne ne parle. L'accĂ©lĂ©ration n'est pas seulement un moteur. C'est un filtre. Pensez Ă  n'importe quel organisme. Un corps humain en bonne santĂ© peut courir. Il accĂ©lĂšre, son cƓur pompe plus fort, ses muscles consomment plus d'oxygĂšne, et tout fonctionne parce que le systĂšme est bien conçu. Maintenant, prenez un corps malade. Des artĂšres bouchĂ©es, un cƓur fragile, des organes qui ne communiquent plus entre eux. Faites-le courir. Il ne va pas plus vite vers la santĂ©. Il va plus vite vers l'infarctus. L'accĂ©lĂ©ration ne corrige pas les dĂ©fauts d'un systĂšme. Elle les amplifie. Un systĂšme sain qui accĂ©lĂšre devient plus fort. Un systĂšme dysfonctionnel qui accĂ©lĂšre meurt plus vite. Et c'est exactement ce qui est en train d'arriver au projet que je vais appeler par son nom : le projet globalo-socialiste. Celui portĂ© par les dĂ©mocrates amĂ©ricains, par la technostructure de Bruxelles, par les entitĂ©s supranationales qui n'ont de comptes Ă  rendre Ă  personne, par un rĂ©seau d'ONG financĂ©es par l'argent public pour dicter la morale aux peuples qui les financent. Regardez ce que ce projet a produit. Des États obĂšses qui prĂ©lĂšvent plus de la moitiĂ© de la richesse produite et qui dĂ©livrent des services publics de plus en plus dĂ©gradĂ©s. Des Ă©coles qui n'apprennent plus Ă  lire mais qui apprennent Ă  culpabiliser. Des hĂŽpitaux Ă  bout de souffle malgrĂ© des budgets records. Une immigration massive sans aucune exigence d'assimilation, prĂ©sentĂ©e comme une chance par ceux qui n'en subissent jamais les consĂ©quences. Une dĂ©sindustrialisation organisĂ©e au nom d'une Ă©cologie punitive qui dĂ©localise la pollution en Chine et l'emploi avec. Des normes, des normes, et encore des normes, jusqu'Ă  ce qu'il devienne plus simple de crĂ©er une entreprise Ă  Austin qu'Ă  Lyon. Une justice qui excuse le coupable et soupçonne la victime. Une censure qui avance masquĂ©e sous le nom de « lutte contre la dĂ©sinformation ». Et une jeunesse Ă  qui l'on a expliquĂ© que son pays, son histoire et sa civilisation Ă©taient des crimes Ă  expier. Ce n'est pas un ensemble de bugs. C'est la conception elle-mĂȘme. Maintenant, changeons d'image. Voyez ce systĂšme comme un moteur. Un bon moteur, c'est de la prĂ©cision. Des piĂšces qui s'emboĂźtent, un minimum de frottements, une Ă©nergie qui se transforme en mouvement. Le marchĂ© libre, la propriĂ©tĂ©, la responsabilitĂ© individuelle, la monnaie saine : c'est ça, un moteur bien conçu. L'information circule par les prix, chaque erreur est sanctionnĂ©e, chaque bonne idĂ©e est rĂ©compensĂ©e. Le moteur socialiste, lui, est mal conçu dĂšs le dĂ©part. Il ne tourne pas sur la crĂ©ation de valeur mais sur sa redistribution. Il ne rĂ©compense pas la performance, il la taxe. Il ne laisse pas les erreurs mourir, il les subventionne. RĂ©sultat : ça frotte partout. Ça chauffe. Ça grince. Chaque piĂšce use la piĂšce d'Ă  cĂŽtĂ©. Et que font ceux qui pilotent ce moteur ? Au lieu de le reconcevoir, ils changent les piĂšces. En permanence. Une piĂšce cĂšde, on en remet une neuve. Encore une. Encore une. Ces piĂšces de rechange, vous les connaissez. Elles s'appellent la dette publique et la planche Ă  billets. La France a dĂ©passĂ© les 3 300 milliards d'euros de dette et n'a pas votĂ© un budget Ă  l'Ă©quilibre depuis le milieu des annĂ©es 70. Les États-Unis ont franchi les 37 000 milliards de dollars. Les banques centrales ont maintenu des taux Ă  zĂ©ro pendant des annĂ©es, imprimĂ© des montants que plus personne ne sait se reprĂ©senter, et quand l'inflation est arrivĂ©e, elles ont fait semblant d'ĂȘtre surprises. Milton Friedman l'avait pourtant dit il y a cinquante ans : l'inflation est toujours et partout un phĂ©nomĂšne monĂ©taire. Chaque crise, on rachĂšte du temps avec de l'argent qui n'existe pas. Chaque problĂšme structurel, on l'arrose de liquiditĂ©s pour masquer le bruit du moteur. Mais les frottements sont toujours lĂ . Ils s'accumulent. Et la facture des piĂšces de rechange finit par coĂ»ter plus cher que le moteur lui-mĂȘme : la charge de la dette devient l'un des premiers postes de dĂ©pense de l'État français. Pendant des dĂ©cennies, ce moteur mal conçu a pu tourner Ă  3 000 tours par minute. Lentement. Bruyamment. Mais il tournait. Le monde allait assez doucement pour que le bricolage permanent suffise Ă  masquer l'absurditĂ© de la conception. Et puis l'IA est arrivĂ©e. L'intelligence artificielle, c'est l'accĂ©lĂ©ration la plus brutale de l'histoire humaine. Ce qui prenait des annĂ©es prend des mois. Ce qui prenait des mois prend des jours. Des entreprises de dix personnes font ce que faisaient des entreprises de mille. Le capital, les talents et les idĂ©es se dĂ©placent Ă  la vitesse de la lumiĂšre vers les endroits oĂč ils sont bien traitĂ©s. L'IA vient de faire passer le moteur de 3 000 Ă  20 000 tours par minute. Posez-vous la question qu'un ingĂ©nieur se poserait. Que se passe-t-il quand on fait monter Ă  20 000 tours un moteur mal conçu, rafistolĂ© de partout, qui frotte Ă  chaque rotation ? Il explose. Pas parce que quelqu'un l'a sabotĂ©. Parce que la physique ne nĂ©gocie pas. Et c'est exactement ce que nous voyons en ce moment, sous nos yeux. L'insĂ©curitĂ© qui gagne des villes entiĂšres qui Ă©taient paisibles il y a vingt ans. Le conflit de Gaza importĂ© dans nos rues et instrumentalisĂ© par une gauche qui a troquĂ© l'ouvrier contre le clientĂ©lisme communautaire. La misĂšre qui revient dans un pays qui a pourtant un des taux de dĂ©pense publique les plus Ă©levĂ©s au monde. Des classes moyennes qui travaillent et n'arrivent plus Ă  se loger. Une France fracturĂ©e, oĂč l'on parle dĂ©sormais Ă  voix haute de risque de guerre civile. Ce ne sont pas des accidents. Ce ne sont pas des « crises » successives sans lien entre elles. Ce sont les piĂšces du moteur qui commencent Ă  voler. C'est la consĂ©quence logique de cinquante ans de socialisme international : un systĂšme qui a dĂ©truit la responsabilitĂ©, la frontiĂšre, la monnaie, l'Ă©cole et la fiertĂ©, et qui dĂ©couvre qu'Ă  haute vitesse, tout ce qui a Ă©tĂ© dĂ©truit ne peut plus ĂȘtre compensĂ© par une ligne de dette supplĂ©mentaire. Et c'est lĂ  que je deviens profondĂ©ment optimiste. Parce qu'une fois qu'on a compris ça, on comprend aussi que leur projet a une date de fin. Pas une date politique. Une date physique. Un systĂšme qui consomme plus qu'il ne produit, qui punit ceux qui crĂ©ent et rĂ©compense ceux qui dĂ©truisent, qui finance son prĂ©sent en hypothĂ©quant l'avenir de ses enfants, ne peut pas durer indĂ©finiment. Il n'est pas soutenable par construction. L'IA ne fait qu'avancer l'Ă©chĂ©ance. Le mensonge a besoin de lenteur pour survivre. Il a besoin que les consĂ©quences arrivent assez tard pour qu'on puisse accuser quelqu'un d'autre. Dans un monde Ă  20 000 tours, les consĂ©quences arrivent immĂ©diatement. Le mensonge n'a plus le temps de se cacher. Alors, que faire quand le moteur explose ? On en construit un nouveau. Et cette fois, on le conçoit correctement. Écoutez Elon Musk. Un homme qui a reconstruit l'industrie spatiale, la voiture Ă©lectrique et l'infrastructure satellite en partant d'un principe simple : revenir aux premiers principes. Ne pas demander « comment on a toujours fait », mais « qu'est-ce qui est physiquement vrai ». C'est exactement ce dont nos États ont besoin : arrĂȘter de rafistoler et repartir de la base. Écoutez Javier Milei. Un homme dont tout le monde se moquait, arrivĂ© Ă  la tĂȘte d'un pays ravagĂ© par un siĂšcle de pĂ©ronisme, et qui a pris la tronçonneuse au sens propre. MinistĂšres supprimĂ©s, dĂ©penses coupĂ©es, inflation Ă©crasĂ©e, excĂ©dent budgĂ©taire retrouvĂ©. Il a prouvĂ© une chose que la gauche jurait impossible : on peut dĂ©monter le moteur socialiste et le peuple peut le soutenir. Écoutez Milton Friedman. Relisez-le. Tout Ă©tait dĂ©jĂ  lĂ . La monnaie, la libertĂ© de choisir, la responsabilitĂ©, les effets pervers de l'intervention publique. Il disait que si l'on confiait le Sahara au gouvernement fĂ©dĂ©ral, il y aurait pĂ©nurie de sable en cinq ans. On a ri. On a confiĂ© le sable. On a eu la pĂ©nurie. Revenez Ă  une hiĂ©rarchie et au respect du beau. Une civilisation ne tient pas que sur des chiffres. Elle tient sur l'idĂ©e qu'il existe des choses supĂ©rieures Ă  d'autres. Que l'excellence vaut mieux que la mĂ©diocritĂ©. Que le mĂ©rite compte. Qu'une cathĂ©drale est plus belle qu'un parking. Que transmettre est un devoir et pas une oppression. Le relativisme a Ă©tĂ© l'arme culturelle de ce projet. Le retour du beau, du vrai et de l'exigence en sera l'antidote. Et enfin, faites le Nuremberg du communisme. Le nazisme a Ă©tĂ© jugĂ©, documentĂ©, enseignĂ©, et il est devenu moralement indĂ©fendable. Le communisme, avec ses dizaines de millions de morts, ses goulags, ses famines organisĂ©es et ses peuples rĂ©duits en esclavage, n'a jamais eu ce procĂšs. On peut encore porter un t-shirt du Che dans une universitĂ© sans que personne ne cille. Tant que ce procĂšs historique et moral n'aura pas eu lieu, l'idĂ©ologie continuera de muter et de revenir sous de nouveaux noms. Il faut nommer les crimes, les enseigner, honorer les victimes, et rendre cette idĂ©ologie aussi infrĂ©quentable que celle qu'elle prĂ©tendait combattre. Le monde qui vient sera plus rapide, plus exigeant et plus impitoyable avec les systĂšmes mal conçus. C'est une terrible nouvelle pour ceux qui ont vĂ©cu du mensonge. Et c'est la meilleure nouvelle de notre gĂ©nĂ©ration pour tous ceux qui veulent construire. Le moteur va exploser. À nous de dessiner le suivant.
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Quote for the day: “No combat ready unit has ever passed inspection.” ~ Murphy’s Military Law #22 Corollary to Murphy’s Military Law #22: “No inspection ready unit has ever passed combat” 😉
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Quote for the day: “If your attack is going really well, it’s an ambush.” ~ Murphy’s Military Law #8
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That Guy, Fawkes retweeted
ABC is part of the lawfare machinery. They are not just biased news. They do not simply hate Trump. They are an integral part of the ongoing conspiracy to bring him down. The sooner people understand that, the better. This has been going on for a very long time. And because there has never been any accountability, it continues to this day. Take one example that I document in Swiftboating America. In July 2016, ABC's Matthew Mosk set up a completely innocent American, Sergei Millian, for a fake interview under false pretenses. The operation had two purposes. First, to obtain footage for Hillary Clinton's campaign. The interview was never intended to be broadcast, and indeed, ABC never aired it. Second, it was intended to lure Millian to New York on a particular day, when Christopher Steele's operative, Igor Danchenko, would attempt to meet him so that false claims of Trump-Russia collusion could subsequently be fabricated and attributed to Millian. Danchenko's failure to carry out his assignment was a major reason Steele's entire edifice of lies eventually collapsed. But that's a story for another day, and you can read about it in my book. The point here is that this is just one of many examples of how the media participated directly in the operations against Trump. They weren't merely standing on the sidelines, dutifully reporting whatever garbage was fed to them. They were actively involved. Literally part of the plot. This is also something DOJ desperately needs to understand. The next time DOJ goes to court to argue why these organizations should not enjoy unrestricted access to the White House, it needs to start making this argument. So far, DOJ has treated the issue as one of media bias, which completely misses the point. These people are not merely biased journalists. They are part of the lawfare machinery. They are embedded operatives whose purpose is to undermine and ultimately destroy Trump. Their presence in the White House is about advancing that operation, not reporting the news.
.@ABC needs to pay a stiff price for this BS. More to come

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