
Co-Founder & CEO @cheerfy | Entrepreneur, Engineer, Optimist | @MIT @Techstars
London, Madrid
Joined December 2009
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Carlos Gomez retweeted
La crisis de vivienda en España: lo que creo que puede funcionar para solucionarla... y lo que probablemente no sirva o sea directamente contraproducente. En siete minutos y medio.
Dentro video 👇
Carlos Gomez retweeted
Increíble de ver a los “expertos” en solventar la emergencia de vivienda que vive España! En cada televisión! @telediario_tve @A3Noticias @tele5_noticias @noticias_cuatro La realidad es que tenemos a políticos que intentan crear decretos y soluciones cuando no tienen la preparación ni el conocimiento para idear una solución real al problema que vivimos.
España no tiene un problema de falta de decretos. Tiene un problema de falta de viviendas.
Y mientras el Gobierno siga confundiendo anunciar medidas con resolver problemas, seguiremos pagando las consecuencias de su inacción.
Subvencionar la demanda sin aumentar la oferta presiona los precios. Regular cada vez más un mercado sin construir vivienda nueva no elimina la escasez: la administra. Castigar fiscalmente una modalidad de alquiler puede cambiar incentivos, pero tampoco pone un solo ladrillo.
El Gobierno puede aprobar todas las medidas que quiera y venderlas como grandes soluciones. Puede encadenar decretos, anuncios y campañas de propaganda. Pero hay una pregunta que desmonta cualquier discurso:
¿Cuántas viviendas nuevas crea todo esto?
Porque la vivienda no se abarata repartiendo la escasez. Se abarata acabando con ella.
España necesita construir. Mucho.
Más suelo disponible. Licencias en meses, no en años. Más densidad donde sea posible. Seguridad jurídica. Muchísima más vivienda pública y también privada.
Pero el Gobierno no está haciendo lo necesario. Prefiere intervenir sobre las pocas viviendas que existen antes que crear las condiciones para que haya muchas más. Prefiere presentar parches como soluciones y cargar sobre propietarios, promotores y ciudadanos el coste de su fracaso.
Lo demás puede servir para redistribuir, proteger a determinados colectivos o cambiar incentivos. Pero no confundamos eso con solucionar el problema de fondo.
No se arregla una falta de vivienda repartiendo mejor las pocas casas que existen. Se arregla haciendo que existan muchas más.
Menos propaganda. Menos parches. Menos obsesión por intervenir sobre el mismo piso.
Más oferta. Más construcción. Más casas.
Carlos Gomez retweeted
The race for AGI
Script: Sherpa by Pocket FM
Video: Seedance 2.5
🤖 Made with AI
Carlos Gomez retweeted
It’s funny that AI-generated decks can be simultaneously extremely well-designed (better design skills than 99% of people) and really disgusting.
In all seriousness - if other VCs are only half as allergic as I am to AI slop, my strong advice is to not let AI generate your slides.
Even more true for text. Reading Claudish in a deck almost makes me want to throw up.
Take it from one of the most AI-pilled people on the planet. ;-)
Use AI as a thought partner, spell-checker, even someone who helps you draft texts … but ultimately, you are responsible for every single word. Don’t let AI put words in your mouth that you wouldn’t use in a conversation with other people.
(In other words, write like @paulg)
Carlos Gomez retweeted
Ceuta, el espejo de Sánchez
La crisis de Ceuta ha descubierto toda nuestra miseria en política exterior. Sánchez lo ha logrado, ya está solo ante el espejo. Trump, que entiende las cosas sencillas, apoya a Marruecos y le felicita con entusiasmo. Netanyahu observa la gravísima crisis de Ceuta divertido y sorprendido por la incapacidad del gobierno de Sánchez para defender a sus conciudadanos y a su territorio. Veintidós países europeos muestran su disgusto por la regularización de inmigrantes y la ocupación temporal de Ceuta, pidiendo un consejo europeo de urgencia.
No hay duda de que todo se paga y en política exterior el pago es doble. Sánchez pretendía que saliera gratis su rechazo al esfuerzo económico mancomunado de la OTAN. Alguien muy característico del gobierno que padecemos llegó a decir que los misiles rusos tardarían mucho en llegar a Madrid... ¿y ahora este gobierno les pide solidaridad?
Sánchez creyó que la regulación caótica de inmigrantes no sería reprochable por parte de los socios europeos mientras la inmensa mayoría está reforzando sus fronteras. En su infinita ignorancia en política exterior creía que podía manipular a las cancillerías igual que lo hace con sus compatriotas. Durante un tiempo lo consiguió, pero eso ya dejó de pasar.
Pero además hemos ido contracorriente a la hora de establecer posición sobre el expansionismo chino, hasta el punto que debemos esperar para saber, con más información, si en algún momento hemos pretendido ser el caballo de Troya chino en la Unión. Tampoco se puede olvidar que somos el apoyo seguro (y sin contrapartidas para España) de todos los populismos de América del Sur, que afortunadamente están empezando a desaparecer.
Todo, el narcisismo de un ignorante, la irresponsabilidad de un gobierno, el sectarismo ideológico, estilo Varoufakis, pero sin moto, nos ha llevado a esta situación de aislamiento. Pero adquiere tinte de tragedia cuando algunas de esas decisiones estuvieron impulsadas por oscuros intereses económicos de algunos de los protagonistas de esa estrategia de cambio. De Venezuela empezamos a saber algo. Tal vez nos cueste más ver el dinero y la influencia en el caso marroquí… Pero no lo duden: queda mucho para confirmamos que para la izquierda de los ricos, a la ideología siempre le acompaña el dinero.
Carlos Gomez retweeted
Me piden mi opinión... Por qué no dice nada de lo de Ceuta, etcétera. Y, bueno. Ya que me preguntan, lo que opino es que en política exterior somos el hazmerreír de Europa, África, Asia, América y Oceanía.
Carlos Gomez retweeted
I am from Ceuta, and Spain has never oppressed us. You genocidal maniacs do not get to weaponise our identity or speak on our fucking behalf. Shut the fuck up.
Carlos Gomez retweeted
La gente que dice que Ceuta y Melilla (e incluso Canarias) son colonias de España o es imbécil o es mala gente, o ambas cosas (no hay tonto bueno). Desde el siglo XV Melilla y Canarias son territorio español de pleno derecho al mismo nivel de cualquier lugar de la España ibérica y balear. Y Ceuta, que fue portuguesa primero, es España plena desde 1640. Lo que ocurre es que estos imbéciles ven un territorio en África y ya lo asocian al colonialismo, un modelo de imperialismo propio de los siglos XVIII, XIX y XX. Y lo hacen por mero racismo. Son incapaces de entender que una nación política tenga ciudadanos de pleno derecho, con capacidad para circular libremente por todo el país y presentarse a cargos públicos sin menoscabo de derechos en toda España, fuera de la Europa física. Contra estos garrulos hay que pelear, también, sin descanso.
Carlos Gomez retweeted
WHY CEUTA IS EVERY BIT AS SPANISH AS CÁDIZ OR OVIEDO (or even more so)
Where Does Its Sovereignty Come From? Does Morocco Have a Legitimate Claim?
Let’s begin with the dates. Ceuta entered the Iberian sphere on August 21, 1415, when King John I of Portugal captured the city alongside his sons, including Prince Henry the Navigator, in the campaign that is often regarded as the beginning of European overseas expansion. In 1580, with the union of the Portuguese and Spanish crowns under Philip II, Ceuta became part of the Spanish Monarchy, just like Lisbon and Porto. That might have been the end of the story in 1640, when Portugal revolted under the House of Braganza and regained its independence.
Here’s the interesting part: Ceuta was the only territory in the entire Portuguese Empire that chose to remain with Spain. It was neither conquered nor occupied by a Spanish army. Rather, it was Ceuta’s own garrison and inhabitants who pledged their allegiance to Philip IV. That act of loyalty earned the city the title “Most Faithful” (Fidelísima), which still appears on its coat of arms.
The Treaty of Lisbon (1668)—the very treaty in which Spain recognized Portugal’s independence—made this exception explicit. All Portuguese possessions reverted to Portugal except Ceuta, which remained under Spanish sovereignty, as it had already been for twenty-eight years by its own choice. Even today, Ceuta’s flag preserves this heritage: it is the black-and-white gyronny banner of Lisbon with the Portuguese quinas at its center, a reminder of the city’s origins flying over a Spanish city.
No other city in Spain can claim quite the same distinction: to be Spanish because it consciously chose to be, a decision documented in writing, backed by six centuries of continuous Iberian history.
Now let’s look across the Strait.
The Alaouite dynasty, which still reigns in Morocco today, came to power when Moulay Rashid entered Fez in 1666—two years before the Treaty of Lisbon. In other words, Spain’s sovereignty over Ceuta is as old as the Moroccan state that now claims it, while the Iberian presence in the city predates that state by roughly two and a half centuries.
The Alaouites also tried repeatedly to take the city by force. Sultan Moulay Ismail besieged Ceuta beginning in 1694, maintaining the siege—with interruptions—until 1727, a total of thirty-three years, often cited as one of the longest sieges in history. Yet the city never fell.
The historical fact is straightforward: the dynasty that claims Ceuta today has never governed it for a single day in its history. When Morocco gained independence in 1956, Ceuta had already been under formal Spanish sovereignty for 288 years, and had enjoyed 541 consecutive years of Iberian rule.
That is why Ceuta was never part of the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco (1912–1956). Its status as Spanish territory predated the protectorate and was explicitly excluded from it. It is also why Ceuta does not appear on the United Nations list of Non-Self-Governing Territories awaiting decolonization.
Gibraltar DOES appear on that list. The comparison that Rabat frequently makes does not withstand scrutiny when the legal histories are examined side by side. Gibraltar was seized from Spain during a war and ceded to Britain under the Treaty of Utrecht (1713). Ceuta, by contrast, passed from Portugal to Spain through dynastic union, the voluntary loyalty of its inhabitants, and a treaty between the two crowns—at a time when the modern Moroccan state did not yet exist.
That leaves geography, arguably Rabat’s strongest argument. ⬇️
Carlos Gomez retweeted
“To a disciple who was forever complaining about others, the Master said, ‘If it is peace you want, seek to change yourself, not other people. It is easier to protect your feet with slippers than to carpet the whole of the earth.’” — Anthony de Mello
Carlos Gomez retweeted
Our thoughts on the importance of AI sovereignty.
1. Your AI sovereignty dictates your institution’s future. Sovereignty is the precondition for choice. Relinquishing sovereignty transfers the future choices of your institution to others, who are likely to exploit it for their gain and your loss.
2. Data retention is your treasure. Transfer it at your own peril. Your ability to win is dictated by your ability to recognize and use your unique edges, and you keep winning by compounding the underlying data to generate new insights. Transferring that data hands over access to your pre-existing winning plays and yields the means of production for new ones.
3. Tokenmaxxing hijacks your value orientation and decreases your institutional fortitude and intelligence. The pursuit of high token usage incentivizes disposable scripts over robust software — with the addictive feeling of false progress. There is a reason why those selling tokens refuse to charge based on value.
4. Controlling your weights is controlling your fate. Weights are the distilled form of hard-won, accumulated institutional knowledge. If you let others control your weights, you are allowing them to migrate the alpha of your business to theirs.
5. There is no contradiction between sovereignty and alpha. The architecture that maximally preserves sovereignty is one that enables institutions to own their tribal knowledge, and to compound it as alpha.
6. Politicizing the technical issues involving sovereignty is what your adversary wants. Techno-politicization is the wellspring of false sovereignty. Techno-politicization drives decisions that seem to reduce dependency, but ultimately limit agency — especially on the battlefield in the West.
7. Real expertise is existential. Allowing politics or favoritism to determine your technical decisions rewards whoever is best at politics, not whoever is right. Listen to those closest to the problems, not those speaking most compellingly about them.
8. Learn from institutions that are winning or that have consistently delivered. Institutions facing existential threats do not have the luxury of making technical decisions based on political preferences.
9. Only listen to institutions, countries, and people who have a proven record of being right. A track record of correctness is the best and only signal for future correctness. Judging something as right or wrong based on who you like is exceedingly misguided.
Carlos Gomez retweeted
As engineering, product, design, DS, etc. melt into a new kind of role, I was reflecting on what roles might look like in the future. For example, when I look at the Claude Code team I see what I think is five archetypes:
1. Prototyper: comes up with brand new ideas; churns out many ideas, most of which don't ship
2. Builder: quickly turns a prototype/idea into production-grade product/infra
3. Sweeper: cleans up the UI, simplifies the code and system, unships, optimizes performance
4. Grower: takes a product that has been built and iterates on it to improve Product-Market Fit
5. Maintainer: owns a mature system to make it secure, reliable, fast, and efficient as it scales
Many people span across 2 roles, and sometimes 3 roles. I also notice that these roles are not really tied to job function -- eg. across Anthropic, some designers match category 1, some 2, some 3; same for engineers, PM, DS.
A healthy team needs a mix of these, depending on the product:
- A product that is new and pre-PMF needs people that are strong at 1+2+3
- A product that is growing and has found PMF needs 2+3+4 and some 5
- A product that has strong PMF needs 3+4+5 and some 2
Maybe product roles of the future will look more like this, and less like the domain-specific roles of today?
Carlos Gomez retweeted
90% of the soldiers on the first boats to hit the beach didn't live to see the end of the day. Look at those faces. Some of them never made it to 18.
Never forget that they paid the ultimate price for our freedom. We live our lives the way we do because of them.
There are two loops in every founder's head.
The autism loop: run your own model to the floor, ignore consensus, hold a thesis when everyone says you're wrong. That makes conviction.
The empathy loop: feel what the user feels, sense what the market wants before it has words. That makes traction.
Most people crank one and starve the other. Pure conviction builds something brilliant nobody wants. Pure empathy builds consensus mush.
PG put the whole job in four words: make something people want. The autism loop makes the something. The empathy loop knows it's wanted. The founder is the bridge.
Most great founders show up dominant in the first loop. That's why they're contrarian enough to try at all. The work is grafting on the second.
There is no place in the world that helps founders make the two loops work together to make great startups than Y Combinator. It is the most gratifying part of our work.





























