
I like to think Treasury just lowered the compute threshold to 10^0.
Treasury just published new proposed Outbound Investment regulations, which would represent a significant expansion of the existing program. This is just a proposed rule, and it deserves a thorough review, but some initial reactions:
1. The rule would prohibit most private investment in any Chinese firm that develops an “SI system,” including any product that operates using an SI system. It defines “SI system” extremely broadly, such that it likely captures the vast majority of Chinese software products. As a result, the proposed rule likely would prohibit most private investment in Chinese software firms, as well as Chinese firms that build products that incorporate AI (i.e., the entire Chinese robotics and drone industry, and undoubtedly many others).
2. The rule adds biotech as a covered sector and would prohibit most private investment in the vast majority of the sector. It would ban private investment in Chinese companies that use biological systems to modify, enhance, produce, or control any pharmaceutical compound, to include both small and large molecules. This likely captures most Chinese firms engaged in biologic drug manufacturing or drug discovery. Biotech and biomanufacturing are areas where U.S. investment has massively fueled China’s capabilities, which are rapidly approaching--and in some cases surpassing--those of the United States. The scope of this rule signals that the administration sees this as a massive national security concern.
3. The rule does not make major changes to the types of transactions covered. Crucially, this means it does NOT prohibit investment in publicly traded securities of these companies, the purchase of goods or licensing of products from these companies, or the export of goods to these companies. But it does ban most types of private investment (i.e., VC, PE, joint ventures, greenfield investments, etc) in companies engaging in these activities.
4. This rule will no doubt change before it is finalized, and I expect the definitions of prohibited activity related to SI and biological systems will be narrowed in the final rule. But it is also a strong signal that the administration does not want U.S. investment or know-how supporting China’s development of advanced technologies, and as a result may be willing to significantly expand outbound investment restrictions.
5. Finally, this highlights a major schism inside the administration on how to prevent China from catching up to the United States in the most advanced technologies. The Treasury Department is signaling that it is willing to significantly tighten restrictions on Americans’ ability to invest in critical technology sectors in China that would help develop these technologies, given their importance to national security. And meanwhile, the Department of Commerce is taking the exact opposite approach, loosening restrictions on American companies that seek to export goods to these companies. It doesn’t make sense for the administration to be tightening restrictions on investments, while loosening restrictions on exports. Something has to give.
Daniel Remler retweeted
Treasury just proposed a very significant expansion of its outbound programs. A lot to unpack, but the following proposed expansions jump out on an initial read:
1️⃣ Broadly prohibits investment in developing AI/super intelligence, irrespective of end-user and amount of compute used in training
2️⃣ Prohibits investment in biotechnology, broadly, including development of pharmaceutical compounds.
3️⃣ Aligns with export controls in prohibiting investments in development or production of high-bandwidth memory.
home.treasury.gov/system/fil…
This excellent ChinaTalk interview with Logan Wright reminds me of an @elyratner Foreign Affairs essay (foreignaffairs.com/china/fau…) from a few months ago that, among other things, argued for strengthening chip export controls on China. Denying chips and manufacturing equipment would constrain Chinese capability today while substantially raising the cost and slowing down the chip indigenization program funded by an increasingly strained financial system. It would sharpen the tradeoff facing Beijing between its AI ambitions and other priorities.
Agree, one of the best episodes of any China podcast in quite some time. Raised as many questions as answers, and kudos to @jordanschneider for curating and navigating them.
Daniel Remler retweeted
I wrote about the systemic failure by the world's most valuable company and powerful government to stop smuggling of AI chips to China
US officials say Nvidia is missing obvious signs. Nvidia says "companies honor US laws as they are, not as America’s critics wish they were"
1/
Daniel Remler retweeted
It seems rumors of an US-China AI dialogue and crisis line were greatly exaggerated.
- Beijing hasn’t confirmed it
- The crisis line isn’t a crisis line
- The dialogue may not be a dialogue
There were already low expectations for this summit. This takes them even lower.
Scoop: Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent's proposed AI safety "notification mechanism" is simpler than that moniker suggests: It's an open channel between him and Chinese Vice Premier He Lifeng, four people familiar told me, @PhelimKine and @_AriHawkins. politico.com/news/2026/09/22…
Unintentionally clever—the companies can't respond in the affirmative without crossing Beijing (which, needless to say, they won't do), and responding negatively would pierce the illusion among some in the West that there is a meaningful constituency for AI safety in China. If the Chinese companies have a creative writing major on staff maybe they could thread the needle with a response, or maybe Beijing will issue a non-response, but most likely this will be met by deafening silence.
NEWS: @RepRoKhanna writes the CEOs of Alibaba, DeepSeek and Moonshot asking them to cooperate in an intl effort to pace frontier AI.
+ Khanna will be hosting an emergency hearing on global AI pacing policy next Weds
washingtonpost.com/wp-intell…
The definitive take on the upcoming U.S.-China AI talks by one of the only people in the world who has actually done it—I’m biased as I worked for him and staffed the 2024 talks, but anyone with an interest in AI diplomacy needs to be reading Seth Center
: nytimes.com/2026/09/16/opini…
“Beijing is going into these talks viewing AI safety not as a shared humanitarian mission, but through an adversarial lens” 🎯 exactly right from @henrysgao
Glad to speak to @lilkuo in this nice @nytimes story to unpack the AI risks article by China's Minister of State Security.
nytimes.com/2026/09/14/world…
This is not an outlier stance by a rabidly nationalistic outlet, or even particularly new—it’s the consistent subtext and sometimes text of official PRC AI diplomacy going back to at least 2023.
The @globaltimesnews WeChat commentary on calls for a coordinated slowdown is quite something.
Says the calls for slowing down AI development are reflective of a Cold War containment strategy, and that the “real purpose” is allegedly to use technological barriers and rule-setting monopolies to contain PRC’s AI development, preserve U.S.’s “monopolistic hegemony” in frontier tech, and exclude the PRC from global AI governance.
An essay by Anthropic's CEO calling for a slowing down of AI development may look like a rational statement focused on safety risks, but it is really a ‘Cold War playbook’ targeting China, the state-backed Global Times said in an editorial reut.rs/4xToVsT
Good points from @b_judah. I’d add the Chinese today are practitioners of Kissinger-style linkage in AI safety today as in many other fields and understand that history very well.
However in two crucial way when it comes
to US-China AI safety dynamics the dynamics are utterly, spectacularly, different from the Cold War.
First up: it’s important to establish how different the current US situation is. In the Cold War nuclear arms development and expertise was inside the state, influenced only by the government’s interests and agenda. This time AI expertise and development is taking place outside the state influenced overpoweringly by the prospect of trillion dollar IPOs. In the Cold War those influencing the President on nuclear weapons had no commercial motives to develop more of them.
Secondly, on the differences, the AI community speaks frequently about how “China means we have to keep going.” But there is no security instruction from men in grey suits in the US intelligence community to keep going to these firms. Instead there was a political instruction from the White House to ignore AI safety because a group of commercially interested investors and oligarchs, many of whom have now changed their minds, convinced Trump this was nonsense that would damage the economy and benefit China. This is the fusion of Trump politics and Silicon Valley not the fusion of the Cold War state and the military-industrial complex.
Daniel Remler retweeted
Zeiss advanced optics were one of the most critical chokepoints controlled by the U.S. and allies. This was one of the major reasons China hasn't been able to catch up in EUV yet.
Zeiss lenses were presumed by many to be covered by existing U.S/Dutch controls, since Zeiss is an exclusive supplier to ASML. But it seems that this no longer holds. This is no longer a commercial matter but one critical to national security.
The U.S. should prioritize efforts to coordinate export controls with Germany to keep Zeiss lenses out of China's hands.
Remarkably rich threat intel report from @AnthropicAI. This is just the tip of the iceberg—there is likely a much wider range of activities the PRC and possibly other actors is pursuing using Chinese open weight models that no American company can or will be able to detect.
We're publishing our most detailed threat intelligence report to date.
It covers how people tried to misuse Claude—for cyberattacks, influence operations, surveillance, biology, and building weapons—and how we found and stopped them.
We disrupted every operation in the report, and used the lessons from them to strengthen our safeguards. Where appropriate, we also shared what we found with authorities and other AI companies.
These cases are not typical: we’re highlighting some of the most sophisticated misuse we’ve seen. But they’re especially important to discuss, because they show us where AI misuse is headed, where our safeguards work, and where they need to improve.
We’re publishing this report so others can spot the same activity on their own platforms, and so we can give the public a clearer view of how emerging threats develop.
Read the report: anthropic.com/threat-intelli…
This is not just the best way to slow down China's AI development in the abstract, but to limit the CCP's application of AI for the Chinese military, intelligence services, and surveillance state that directly threaten Americans every day.
This quoted post is unavailable.
It's interesting to me that for some proponents of U.S.-China AI cooperation, like @pstAsiatech below, mistrust is always and only the fault of the United States and the onus is on Washington to fix it. It's always "Blame American AI First," to paraphrase Jeanne Kirkpatrick.
Hard to see how the United States is supposed to engage with China on AI cyber risks when the CIA Deputy Director is saying that an APT operated by the MSS remains a “very critical threat.”
Major cybersecurity advisory on adversarial distillation with extensive and detailed attribution of PRC AI developers. With these facts established, the U.S. government should permit U.S. companies to work together to detect and disrupt these campaigns, as the report recommends.
China-based AI companies are illicitly distilling U.S. frontier AI capabilities. Read NSA’s new report, co-sealed with @FBI, @CISAgov, highlighting AI knowledge distillation, TTPs used, and recommended mitigations: media.defense.gov/2026/Sep/0…
For more recommendations on how to defeat these activities and details on how PRC entities obfuscate their activities using an ecosystem of intermediaries, check out my paper from June with my colleague @BenHayum cnas.org/publications/report…
Daniel Remler retweeted
A Malaysian decision to use Huawei chips for a new sovereign AI data project would implicate Trump's "ART" trade deal with the country. Let's unpack:
1. According to Bloomberg, Malaysia may use Huawei Ascend chips for a $500 million sovereign data initiative managed by a state-linked telecom company. The stated reason for preferring Huawei over US tech is perceived US IT risks, including the "CLOUD Act," which lets US courts to compel tech firms to hand over info to the government.
2. Trump's "ART" Trade Deal with Malaysia includes several provisions relevant to Malaysia's sovereign AI data deal:
Art. 6.1 provides that Malaysia shall "facilitate and promote investment by the [US] in sectors including...telecommunications...and infrastructure services."
Art. 5.2(2) states that "Malaysia shall cooperate with the [US]...with a view to restricting transactions of its nationals with individuals and entities" on the U.S. "Entity List" (which includes Huawei).
Annex Section 5 provides that "Malaysia commits to only using communication technology suppliers that do not compromise the security, safeguards, and intellectual property of ICT infrastructure....[And] shall ensure that [transportation infrastructure] use[s] digital logistics platforms that provide...protection against national security risks...."
3. These provisions do not specifically single out "AI data centers." That said: (A) AI data centers should fall within the positive obligation to enable U.S. investment in the "telecommunications" and "infrastructure sectors," which would imply Malaysia should give a US firm a preference. (B) The obligation on export controls, by its text, does not apply only to cooperating to restricting *exports* to Entity List companies, but to "restricting transactions of its nationals with" Entity List companies. Picking Huawei chips for a sovereign AI data center project is not "restricting transactions" with Huawei. (C) If the AI data center involves communications or logistics data and/or information processing, it would seem to contradict the Annex commitment to use only trusted technology.
4. The ART provisions are effectively unilateral and discretionary, e.g., the Trump Admin can raise a potential violation if it wants to, and if it decides there is a violation, it can impose additional tariffs. (Assuming USTR can find a U.S. domestic law basis for the tariffs). So if Malaysia does go ahead with the Huawei deal, the Trump Administration will have to decide whether it views the deal as an ART violation, and, if so, what to do about it.
5. The deal raises important strategic questions about how valuable the ART "economic security" provisions will be. If the ART helps push Malaysia away from Huawei (even if quietly), it'll be a win for the ART. On the other hand, if Malaysia buys Huawei and Trump just lets it slide, that will raise questions about how serious and durable the ARTs will be.
Important piece from @AnaSwanson et al. on the role of Inspur/Aivres, Maginfra, and other PRC-linked companies in enabling the massive circumvention of U.S. export controls—a stronger BIS affiliates rule + remote access restriction would go a long way to closing this loophole.
New: Washington repeatedly blacklisted this Chinese tech giant. But through a network of global subsidiaries, the company has reinvented itself and kept shipping America's best chips to feed Chinese AI
nytimes.com/2026/09/06/techn…
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