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Joined January 2013
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Edwin Sifuna is lying when he says he was never paid while ODM SG.
Before Sifuna was elected Senator, he was on salary.
Everybody at Orange House is on salary, and it’s one of the best employees in Kenya.
Salary stopped after his election as Senator of ODM. Elected party officials don’t get a salary. But they have allowances, when conducting offical party activities.
After his election, Sifuna continued to draw allowances from the party and would bring receipts of his expenditure for refunds.
Receipts included meetings with partners and external donors which had no proof and would be given a refund running into millions.
He should stop lying. ODM’s finance dept has records and keeps those records for audit purposes.
Raila died while in the broad-based arrangement. His decision to cooperate with Ruto was a deliberate political choice informed by his vision for Kenya and his understanding of the country's political realities.
Pulling out old tweets by Ruto will not guilt-trip us into abandoning the political path Raila himself chose.
Raila had made peace with Ruto before his death. They had found common ground, and Raila was willing to work with him. We cannot claim to honour Raila's legacy while dismissing the very political choices he made when he was alive.
Some of you showed little concern for Raila when he was alive, when he was fighting for democracy, enduring political persecution, and mobilising millions of Kenyans around his vision for a better country. Why, then, pretend to care about his legacy now that he is gone?
William Ruto was a friend to Raila, and his conduct following Raila's death has reflected that friendship. The respect, recognition and efforts to preserve Raila's place in Kenya's history are a continuation of that relationship.
To my fellow Luos,
Read deeply into what it means when the deaths of our leaders become a source of celebration, and political entertainment.
They celebrated the death of Raila.
Today, some are already speculating about the death of Dr. Oburu.
We must not dismiss these things as merely political banter. There is a deeper question we must confront about the contempt and disdain that is directed at Luo leadership and, by extension, the Luo community.
Raila never controlled the instruments of government. He never had the power to independently determine government policy. Dr. Oburu is merely a senator. Yet the intensity of the hatred directed at them is greater than that directed at people who actually held executive power and presided over governments. Uhuru Kenyatta is a hero today.
Perhaps we have been too willing to sacrifice our own interests in the pursuit of a broader national project. A thankless struggle.
We have repeatedly invested in Kenya's democratic institutions, constitutionalism and national unity, while others have been far more deliberate about protecting and advancing their own political interests.
Today they have toads and infrastructure and they keep laughing at us.
Let us learn from what we are witnessing.
Ebola has finally reached Kenya.
And it did not come through the US quarantine facility that some of you so objected months ago.
A few weeks ago, some of us were making a fairly straightforward public-health argument, that Kenya was already geographically at risk of Ebola. The possibility of Ebola reaching Kenya was not some far-fetched scenario.
That is why the proposed US-supported quarantine facility at Laikipia deserved to be debated objectively.
Whatever legitimate questions existed around sovereignty, transparency, public participation and the terms of the Kenya–US arrangement, the facility itself could potentially have strengthened Kenya’s preparedness and isolation capacity when the disease eventually crossed our borders.
Instead, the debate became political. Activists went to court, and legitimate questions about the arrangement became entangled with a broader culture of opposition to almost anything associated with the government.
The courts, of course, have an important constitutional role, and public participation is legitimate. But neither should replace evidence-based interrogation of a public-health threat.
Now the “rubber has hit the road.”
Kenya has confirmed its first imported Ebola case after a Kenyan citizen travelled from the DRC.
This growing protest culture worries me. It will set us back!
Mwagodi you were old enough when Uhuru was president, why didn’t you call him out? You are the delusional idiots who think we don’t see your bluff.
You guys fanned this menace.
Let them protest….
It is a fact that Kenyans died at the hands of security forces during Uhuru Kenyatta’s presidency.
Following the disputed 2017 election, protests broke out across the country.
In Nyalenda, there were house-to-house operations in which police broke into homes, beat residents and, in some cases, used live ammunition.
Human Rights Watch documented killings by police in Kisumu and neighbouring Siaya counties, alongside widespread beatings and other abuses.
This history matters when we talk about extrajudicial killings today and when we talk about Sifuna and the people behind his candidacy like Uhuru?
How will Sifuna deal with extrajudicial killings and police brutality while being backed by Uhuru Kenyatta?
When he wins the presidency and brings Uhuru’s cronies back to power?
They didn’t vote for Ruto because they loved him, they were protesting against Raila.
From a research perspective, having a robust, centralised health information management system (HMIS) is extremely important for Kenya.
African countries continue to face gaps in generating high-quality, reliable health data to support medical research and evidence-based policy. This is despite shouldering the hugest disease burden globally.
We can debate the politics all we want, but this is progress.
A centralised health information system will allow us to generate richer epidemiological data and better understand disease patterns and risk factors across different regions and populations.
If for instance a certain cancer is more prevalent in one region (say Meru county) this data can be analyzed to determine risk factors.
It could also strengthen research into treatment outcomes, disease surveillance, health-system performance and, increasingly, genomics.
Good health policy and medical research depend on good data.
Building the infrastructure to collect, link and responsibly use that data is therefore an important step towards a stronger health research ecosystem.
These stupid takes come when investments are not taken to murima. 🤷🏿♂️.
I see two young Luo men battling over ideas and ideologies, and I welcome the intellectual contest.
What I see is a generation engaging with questions of identity, leadership, justice, power and the future of our community and country.
They may arrive at very different conclusions, but that is precisely what political discourse should allow; disagreement without hostility, competing ideas without personal animosity, and the freedom to challenge one another intellectually.
@_KasKazini @AdrianOluoch 👌🏿
Sifuna’s supporters are comparing Linda Mwananchi to NARC. That comparison needs a little historical context.
Yes, NARC was formed in October 2002, only about two months before the December 2002 elections. But the important point is what NARC was bringing together and the political infrastructure that already existed behind it.
NARC was not a collection of newly elected politicians starting from scratch.
At its centre were some of the most experienced politicians in Kenya at the time.
Mwai Kibaki was not a newcomer. Before becoming NARC’s presidential candidate, he had served as a Cabinet minister for years and as Moi’s VP from 1978 to 1988. He had also been Minister for Finance for many years.
Raila Odinga was already a veteran opposition politician and had served in government as Minister for Energy before the 2002 elections.
George Saitoti had served as VP and in several senior Cabinet positions.
Kalonzo Musyoka had already held ministerial positions. Musalia Mudavadi had served as Minister for Finance. These were not politicians discovering national politics for the first time in 2002.
Michael Kijana Wamalwa and Charity Ngilu were also established national leaders with significant parliamentary and opposition experience.
Then look at the political organisations behind NARC. NARC was essentially the coming together of NAK and LDP. NAK itself was not a new group of individuals thrown together overnight.
It brought together established parties including Mwai Kibaki’s Democratic Party (DP), Michael Kijana Wamalwa’s FORD-Kenya and Charity Ngilu’s National Party of Kenya, alongside other parties.
And those parties had political histories of their own. The DP and FORD-Kenya emerged in the early 1990s during Kenya’s return to multiparty politics, while the National Party of Kenya had also been established before the 2002 election cycle. In other words, NAK was building on an existing opposition infrastructure rather than creating one from nothing.
LDP was the newer component. It emerged in 2002 from the KANU rebellion led by Raila Odinga and other senior KANU politicians after Moi chose Uhuru Kenyatta as KANU’s presidential candidate.
Even there, however, the people joining LDP were overwhelmingly experienced KANU politicians, not political novices.
That is the nuance people conveniently leave out when invoking NARC. NARC may have been created in October 2002, but the political machinery, leaders, parties, parliamentary experience and national networks that constituted it had been developing for years.
Linda Mwananchi is a fundamentally different proposition if it is being built around legislators and senators who are themselves still establishing their national political networks and institutional experience.
That doesn't mean a new coalition cannot grow rapidly. It simply means that “NARC was formed two months before an election, therefore any new coalition can replicate NARC” is an incomplete historical comparison.
NARC was the culmination of years of opposition politics, party formation, defections, negotiations and the accumulation of political experience. The October 2002 announcement was the culmination of that process not the beginning of it.
Kikuyu bidding in Linda Mwanachi.
Today, I want to share a personal view that I have been reflecting on for the past few weeks, regarding the structure of the emerging opposition coalition.
As the opposition builds a broad and inclusive coalition around the WANTAM movement, it must design a framework that encourages more political parties to join without creating a structure so heavy, that it complicates decision-making and weakens political agility.
Every party in the opposition has earned the legitimate right to participate in shaping the emerging coalition. That participation should be institutionalised through a broad Coalition Parties Council, bringing together the leaders of all constituent parties. This council should be as inclusive and diverse as the opposition itself.
But inclusion does not mean that every party leader must automatically become a principal.
The coalition’s top decision-making organ must remain lean, strategic and capable of responding quickly to political developments. Its membership should be based not merely on ownership of a political party, but on demonstrable national influence and a solid regional support base.
On that basis, I believe the principal-level leadership of the emerging coalition should comprise EDWIN SIFUNA, RIGATHI GACHAGUA, KALONZO MUSYOKA AND FRED MATIANG’I. Each commands a significant political constituency and brings to the table the electoral weight necessary to shape a viable national coalition.
Even within the United Nations system, all member states participate through the General Assembly, but matters requiring urgent and focused action are entrusted to the much leaner 15-Member Security Council. The underlying principle is simple: broad participation provides legitimacy, while a smaller executive structure provides agility.
A successful coalition must achieve both. It must be inclusive enough to accommodate every genuine partner, but disciplined enough to make timely decisions and provide clear political direction. Therefore, the opposition does not need an endless table of principals. It needs an inclusive coalition supported by a lean, credible and effective centre of leadership.
Sifuna supporters are so narrow minded. Life does not end with your political inclination, if your side is pro-democracy, rule of law and constitutionalism then your narrow-mindedness is a great contradiction. Evolve.
What civil war?
Are anarchists seriously wishing for a civil war in our country?
There are some things you never want to imagine, let alone wish for.
Civil wars leave countries deeply divided and can take generations to recover from.
Let us politic. Let us disagree and differ in our political views, but let us never wish for civil war in our country.
We can disagree without wishing destruction upon our own nation.
You can support Sifuna, without wishing our country a civil war.
