Senior Vice President and Chief Policy Officer J Street. Previously White House, DOD, State.

Washington DC
Joined December 2010
It’s now been 4 years since I gave my dad a kidney and we are still doing great. If you have a loved one in need, take the time to learn the facts about kidney donation. If you need a transplant, don’t be afraid to ask. I hope this article helps. vox.com/future-perfect/2019/…
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
Just to state the obvious: It’s entirely possible to oppose aid to Israel— whether on moral, foreign policy, or financial grounds — without promoting the fiction that such aid, or Israel itself, is responsible for what Americans pay for their groceries.
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1/ Benjamin Netanyahu got the last set of polls last night. They argue Likud and his block are eroding fast. Then, came his remarks on Israel's economy. These are among the most extraordinary he has made in a long political career. Whatever their intent, they carry real weight for the Israeli economy – before Tuesday's election, and regardless of who forms the next government. In an interview with journalist Roy Katz, aired Friday, the prime minister said American military aid to Israel is coming to an end. "It's over. It's only a question of time," he said. Israelis should get used to no longer receiving tens of billions of dollars in U.S. defense assistance, he added, "because America has changed." That alone is remarkable. There is a growing recognition in Israel that U.S. military aid in its current form will have to change, and might end, as bipartisan support for Israel erodes in Washington. Netanyahu himself has spoken before about wanting to wean Israel off the aid. But there is a distance between that recognition and a sitting prime minister effectively announcing the end of one of the pillars of the U.S.–Israel strategic relationship. The current Memorandum of Understanding – $38 billion over ten years – runs through September 2028. It is embedded in a web of interests that includes the American defense industry, and Israel's diplomats in Washington work hard to sustain it. Israel's friends in Congress, operating in an increasingly difficult political environment, are still fighting to preserve the special relationship. When the prime minister himself says "it's over," that is a hard message for Israel's defense establishment, and for those in Washington still trying to help. And that was only the opening. "There could be sanctions, including banking sanctions," Netanyahu said. Israel, he explained, must prepare an economy capable of bypassing them. This is a different order of magnitude entirely. Some background is needed. In the world of international sanctions, comprehensive banking sanctions against a country are among the most powerful tools available to major powers. They are not import restrictions, consumer boycotts, or even arms embargoes. Broad financial sanctions go after an economy's circulatory system. Israel's banks depend on the global financial system: correspondent banks, clearing, credit lines, the ability to move money across borders. Without access to banks abroad, the Israeli economy stops functioning. And such sanctions don't hit only the banks. They hit everyone who banks with them – companies, exporters, importers, investors, employers. When foreign banks become nervous about a country's financial institutions, they tend to cut ties well beyond what the law strictly requires. In other words, a sweeping financial sanctions regime would push Israel toward the category of Iran or Russia. It would be worse. Iran and Russia sit on vast oil and gas reserves. Even under sanctions, they keep selling – mainly in Asia and parts of the Global South. Israel's economy is not built on commodities. Its strength comes from integration into the global economy: human capital, technology, research, advanced services. According to the Israel Innovation Authority, Israeli high-tech exported roughly $85 billion in goods and services in 2025 – 58 percent of all Israeli exports – and accounted for about half of the economy's growth. It is the engine of the economy, and it depends on foreign markets, foreign capital, and the free movement of money. Netanyahu did not say who might impose banking sanctions. A prime minister raising this possibility, in the same breath as forecasting the end of U.S. aid, should prompt immediate questions. Is he referring to European sanctions? American ones? above all: how did Israel get to the point where this is being discussed at all? There was more - and much worse.
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
Israeli PM Netanyahu’s suggestion that Israel prepare for sanctions by considering a crypto-based alternative economy dominates Israeli media coverage weekend/Sunday morning. It prompted a rare rebuke from the Bank of Israel, which said cryptocurrencies cannot circumvent sanctions and urged political leaders to focus on preventing them. Israelis take pride in their country’s advanced economy. They do not want to move backward and of course, not move towards the isolation of Russia and Iran. Suddenly, international sanctions have gone from an abstraction to a tangible threat. In every election, there seems to be a factor that nobody anticipates in the waning days of a campaign. How much will this hurt Netanyahu on Tuesday, election day? We will know soon enough.
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
One of many critical points in Jon Finer's excellent post-elections Israel policy agenda for Democrats: "A new approach should also start from the principle that U.S. policy will distinguish occupied territory and Israel proper." nytimes.com/2026/10/23/opini…
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
Jewish tradition calls on us to pursue justice. Today, American rabbis and advocates lived out those values by helping Palestinian farmers harvest their olives. Israeli authorities detained them, including congressional candidate @BradLander. The Israeli government must immediately release everyone detained and start arresting these settler terrorists. The Palestinian farmers these leaders and advocates came to support are left even more vulnerable to settler and state violence without the protection of those who stood beside them. This is precisely when our values must mean something. American Jewish institutions that claim to care about Israel’s future must stop looking away. It’s past time to speak out.
Brad Lander: "We're being arrested by the Israeli military for harvesting olives." 🔗Read more: haaretz.com/west-bank/2026-1… Credit: Tamar Glazerman, @rabbis4HR
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
על פי האינדיקציות שבידינו המשטרה והצבא מעוניינים לגרש את עשרות המתנדבים היהודים מצפון אמריקה שהגיעו היום לסייע במסיק בגוש עציון. בתוך הקבוצה הזו ישנם רבנים מובילים ומשמעותיים, מנהיגי קהילות וציבור. הם לא הפרו שום חוק ואף הוראה חוקית, הם לא התעמתו עם אף גורם. הגירוש שלהם, אם יתבצע, יגרום נזק אדיר בדעת הקהל היהודית והכללית בארה״ב. אני קורא לראשי הסוכנות היהודית, לראשי הארגונים היהודים בארה״ב ולראשי איפא״ק להתערב בטירוף הזה. מבן גביר, כץ ונתניהו אין לי צפיות, אבל הגיע הזמן שנתייצב נגד הנזק הנורא שהם גורמים לעולם היהודי ולמעמדה של ישראל בעולם.
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
When the government of Israel and its military and law enforcement are arresting rabbis and volunteers who have journeyed 6000 miles to protect Palestinian farmers harvesting olives and not the violent terrorists harassing and attacking the farmers - it tells you all you need to know about this government's moral compass. The time is long past for every rabbi and every Jewish leader - and every Jew - globally who cares about the future of the Jewish people and the values on which we were raised to speak out and take action. This illegal and immoral occupation must end. It's not just the fate of the state of Israel at stake, it's the soul of the Jewish people.
I’ve been detained by the IDF, along with a group of rabbis & volunteers. We were simply harvesting olives in a grove near Nehalim in the West Bank. The occupation is a crime under international law. Harvesting olives isn’t a crime under any law I know.
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
I’ve been detained by the IDF, along with a group of rabbis & volunteers. We were simply harvesting olives in a grove near Nehalim in the West Bank. The occupation is a crime under international law. Harvesting olives isn’t a crime under any law I know.
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
My statement on the deadline for bids for the E1 settlement tender ⬇️
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
For the 2nd time this week Netanyahu blames the victims of being attacked by settlers
The Prime Minister's Office: ALLEGED ATTACK ON EUROPEAN DIPLOMATS: SERIOUS ACCUSATIONS REQUIRE SERIOUS EVIDENCE. We urge caution before drawing conclusions from today's reports that European diplomats were attacked by masked Israelis in Judea and Samaria. Any violence against diplomats is unacceptable. The more serious the accusation, the greater the demand for compelling evidence. Here is what we know: - The diplomatic delegation entered a sensitive area with a history of confrontations without prior coordination with the IDF, as officially confirmed by the military. Such coordination is essential to protecting visiting diplomats and preventing violence. - The visit included Bernard Baudoux, a French Communist Party mayor who previously raised the Palestinian flag over his municipal building, prompting French authorities to order its removal. - Published footage shows masked individuals confronting a diplomatic vehicle. Separate images show a smashed window and a person lying on the ground. These images alone do not establish the complete sequence of events or individual responsibility. Those circumstances remain under investigation. - Israeli police and forensic investigators have launched an investigation to establish the facts and identify those responsible. These reports come amid concerns about a coordinated campaign to smear Israel and the Jewish residents of Judea and Samaria during the annual olive harvest, relying on sensational headlines before the full facts emerge. We may see further allegations in the coming days. By the time the evidence is fully examined, the reputational damage from premature conclusions may already be done. We call on the public and responsible journalists to demand verifiable evidence, reject hearsay, and refuse to turn unproven allegations into a collective indictment of the Jewish residents of Judea and Samaria.
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
This is appalling. There must be swift justice and accountability for perpetrators of violent extremism in the West Bank, which stands in the way of regional peace and is escalating an already unpredictable and dangerous situation. I’m keeping Heidi, her family, and her Washington Post colleagues in my prayers.
American @washingtonpost journalist Heidi Levine was just severely beaten by settlers in Abu Falah. Videos coming in a minute.
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
Our hearts are with journalist Heidi Levine, all those attacked, and all Palestinian families who endure unrelenting settler terror. This is a stain on the State of Israel for the world to see: Jewish supremacists terrorizing Palestinians while those charged with protecting them do nothing. We cannot look away from what is being done in our name.
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RT @yairlapid: התקפות הטרור היהודי, הפעם גם על צלמת ה״וושינגטון פוסט״ הן לא כשלון של הממשלה - היא המדיניות של הממשלה. בן גביר הוא אחד מהם ו…
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
Heidi Levine, an American photographer for the Washington Post, was beaten by Israeli settlers in the West Bank today while covering an olive harvest by Palestinians. She’s now in a Ramallah hospital. This happens every day on the West Bank. Every single day. Palestinians attacked, journalists attacked, Israeli & foreign observers attacked. When is the IDF going to start taking this seriously? And where is the US embassy & Trump administration?
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
An important piece by former Israeli intelligence chief Tamir Hayman. He warns of a fundamental shift in Israel's security thinking: From fighting wars to achieve peace and security, to seeing permanent war as the basis of national security itself. In other words, war is no longer a means to an end, but increasingly an end in itself @INSSIsrael @citrinowicz inss.org.il/publication/new-…
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במשך שבוע שלם, הלשכה הקטארית של נתניהו מפמפמת את הטענות של אחד ברט מקגורק, לשעבר יועץ של ביידן, שכאילו נתניהו לא קשור למותם של כמעט 50 חטופים ישראלים בשבי החמאס. עכשיו, עזבו שהפוסטים והכתבות בנושא כללו שלל השמטות ועיוותים (גם מקגורק כתב, למשל, שנתניהו היה אדיש לגמרי לגורל החטופים). אחרי שבוע של מופע תעמולה בלתי פוסק, מגיע פיל גורדון, שהיה בתפקיד בכיר יותר ומשפיע יותר בכוורת של ביידן, ובאנגלית וושינגטונית מנומסת כותב: חרטא. נתניהו, הוא מזכיר לכולם, הציב תנאים בקיץ 2024 שסיכלו השגת עסקה , כמו בידוק ישראלי לפלסטינים שעולים מדרום הרצועה לצפון - ואז נרצחו ששת החטופים ברפיח. חצי שנה אחר כך, הוא הגיע להסכם הפסקת האש של ינואר 2025, שבמסגרתו ישראל נסוגה מציר נצרים ובעצם לא היה שום בידוק למאות אלפי הפלסטינים שחזרו צפונה. על זה נאמר, "השקר מקיף את הטלגרם של פרשני נתניהו שלוש פעמים, בזמן שהאמת קושרת שרוכים". אבל בסוף האמת מופיעה. והאמת מנצחת. והכי כואב: למרות אותם 50 חטופים שנרצחו בשבי, ולמרות 1300 חיילים הרוגים, ממשלת ישראל בראשות נתניהו לא הצליחה להכריע את חמאס. הארגון שולט גם היום בעזה עם 30 אלף מחבלים חמושים. למרות המחיר הכבד כל כך ששילמנו
Netanyahu supporters seem to be taking advantage of @Brett_McGurk’s book and interviews to claim vindication for Netanyahu’s conduct of the war in Gaza. But while Brett’s front-row account is valuable, that doesn’t mean it is definitive or its perspectives widely shared—including among former members of the Biden administration. I would say most of my former colleagues think that President Biden should have put more pressure on Israel to conduct the war differently and end it sooner, and few think that the biggest mistake Biden made was to show daylight with Israel. And even Brett’s account makes clear that hostages were not the top priority for Netanyahu and that when U.S. pressure actually was applied—as after the World Central Kitchen strike—it worked. Brett tells the story of the Biden phone call after that tragedy, but not the story of how Biden called Netanyahu on July 4, 2024 to press him to conclude the hostage deal after Hamas had finally accepted the basic framework, dropping its demand that Israel commit to a permanent ceasefire before any hostages were released. Netanyahu instead added so many of his own conditions—against the advice of his own security chiefs—that the deal became impossible for another six months, during which nearly 9,000 more Palestinians were killed and more Israeli hostages died, including the six that Hamas executed in August. The Israeli changes included a demand that Israel retain forces along Gaza’s entire border with Egypt, which the IDF had seized only after the original proposal, and a new enforcement mechanism to screen Gazans who were returning home to the north which would have required Israeli troops to remain in central Gaza. Both of those new conditions were dropped in the deal ultimately concluded in January 2025. Nothing in the book or elsewhere changes the reality that October 7 happened on Netanyahu’s watch; that he prioritized “total victory” and the maintenance of his coalition over a hostage deal or an end of the war; that his conduct of the war and management of its humanitarian consequences catastrophic; that it has left Israel more isolated and insecure; and that it has deeply damaged, perhaps irreparably, Israel’s relationship with the United States—which should have done more to change Israel’s conduct rather than enable it. There was never an easy way forward in Gaza, but no version of the story vindicates Netanyahu.
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והיום בפינתנו, "דברים שלא תקראו אצל עמית סגל". פיל גורדון, שהיה בכוורת של ביידן לענייני המזרח התיכון, מפוצץ את הבועה השקרית של הביביסטים בנושא נתניהו והחטופים.
Netanyahu supporters seem to be taking advantage of @Brett_McGurk’s book and interviews to claim vindication for Netanyahu’s conduct of the war in Gaza. But while Brett’s front-row account is valuable, that doesn’t mean it is definitive or its perspectives widely shared—including among former members of the Biden administration. I would say most of my former colleagues think that President Biden should have put more pressure on Israel to conduct the war differently and end it sooner, and few think that the biggest mistake Biden made was to show daylight with Israel. And even Brett’s account makes clear that hostages were not the top priority for Netanyahu and that when U.S. pressure actually was applied—as after the World Central Kitchen strike—it worked. Brett tells the story of the Biden phone call after that tragedy, but not the story of how Biden called Netanyahu on July 4, 2024 to press him to conclude the hostage deal after Hamas had finally accepted the basic framework, dropping its demand that Israel commit to a permanent ceasefire before any hostages were released. Netanyahu instead added so many of his own conditions—against the advice of his own security chiefs—that the deal became impossible for another six months, during which nearly 9,000 more Palestinians were killed and more Israeli hostages died, including the six that Hamas executed in August. The Israeli changes included a demand that Israel retain forces along Gaza’s entire border with Egypt, which the IDF had seized only after the original proposal, and a new enforcement mechanism to screen Gazans who were returning home to the north which would have required Israeli troops to remain in central Gaza. Both of those new conditions were dropped in the deal ultimately concluded in January 2025. Nothing in the book or elsewhere changes the reality that October 7 happened on Netanyahu’s watch; that he prioritized “total victory” and the maintenance of his coalition over a hostage deal or an end of the war; that his conduct of the war and management of its humanitarian consequences catastrophic; that it has left Israel more isolated and insecure; and that it has deeply damaged, perhaps irreparably, Israel’s relationship with the United States—which should have done more to change Israel’s conduct rather than enable it. There was never an easy way forward in Gaza, but no version of the story vindicates Netanyahu.
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Ilan Goldenberg retweeted
גם פיל גורדון היה "בתוך החדר" כשההחלטות התקבלו בבית הלבן אחרי ה-7 באוקטובר. רוב יועציו הבכירים של ביידן איתם דיברתי שותפים לדעתו
Netanyahu supporters seem to be taking advantage of @Brett_McGurk’s book and interviews to claim vindication for Netanyahu’s conduct of the war in Gaza. But while Brett’s front-row account is valuable, that doesn’t mean it is definitive or its perspectives widely shared—including among former members of the Biden administration. I would say most of my former colleagues think that President Biden should have put more pressure on Israel to conduct the war differently and end it sooner, and few think that the biggest mistake Biden made was to show daylight with Israel. And even Brett’s account makes clear that hostages were not the top priority for Netanyahu and that when U.S. pressure actually was applied—as after the World Central Kitchen strike—it worked. Brett tells the story of the Biden phone call after that tragedy, but not the story of how Biden called Netanyahu on July 4, 2024 to press him to conclude the hostage deal after Hamas had finally accepted the basic framework, dropping its demand that Israel commit to a permanent ceasefire before any hostages were released. Netanyahu instead added so many of his own conditions—against the advice of his own security chiefs—that the deal became impossible for another six months, during which nearly 9,000 more Palestinians were killed and more Israeli hostages died, including the six that Hamas executed in August. The Israeli changes included a demand that Israel retain forces along Gaza’s entire border with Egypt, which the IDF had seized only after the original proposal, and a new enforcement mechanism to screen Gazans who were returning home to the north which would have required Israeli troops to remain in central Gaza. Both of those new conditions were dropped in the deal ultimately concluded in January 2025. Nothing in the book or elsewhere changes the reality that October 7 happened on Netanyahu’s watch; that he prioritized “total victory” and the maintenance of his coalition over a hostage deal or an end of the war; that his conduct of the war and management of its humanitarian consequences catastrophic; that it has left Israel more isolated and insecure; and that it has deeply damaged, perhaps irreparably, Israel’s relationship with the United States—which should have done more to change Israel’s conduct rather than enable it. There was never an easy way forward in Gaza, but no version of the story vindicates Netanyahu.
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