rvnmo (@irvnmo) profile picture
Joined November 2022
Photo by rvnmo (@irvnmo)
بص يا صديقي لو مش متابع اللي بيحصل في العالم في آخر 24 ساعة فاتك كتير أوي . حرفيا 4 ضربات ورا بعض لأمريكا وإسرائيل في نفس اليوم، والنتيجة ممكن تغير خريطة السياسة كلها! تعالى ناخدها بالعكس، من التقيلة للأخف 👇 1- من كام ساعة بس 3 طيارات عسكرية سعودية وتركية وباكستانية نزلت في مطار مهرآباد في طهران. اللي قاعدين دلوقتي على ترابيزة واحدة: وزير الدفاع السعودي الأمير خالد بن سلمان، وقائد الجيش الباكستاني عاصم منير، ورئيس المخابرات التركية إبراهيم قالن، مع الرئيس الإيراني مسعود بزشكيان وأمين الأمن القومي محسن رضائي. الاجتماع تحت اسم "اتفاقية مكة للدفاع المشترك" وإيران بتقول عايزين نعمل منظومة أمن إقليمي داخلية من غير تدخل أجنبي، والسعودية بتقول هدفنا تهدئة وخفض تصعيد. يعني اللي كان مستحيل من سنة بقى بيحصل دلوقتي قدام عنينا. 2 - تمرد داخل جيش الاحتلال نفسه القناة 12 الإسرائيلية نفسها وبموافقة الرقابة العسكرية قالت قنبلة، قبل انتخابات الكنيست بـ 24 ساعة بس. رئيس الأركان إيال زامير جاله أمر مباشر من نتنياهو ينفذ ضربة كبيرة كانت هتولع مواجهة شاملة مع إيران ودولة عربية تانية. اللي حصل إن زامير رفض! وقاله بالنص مش هورط الجيش في حرب عشان تكسب انتخابات أو تهرب من المحاكمات، ولو عايز الضربة دي هاتلي تفويض مكتوب وموقع من الحكومة كلها تتحمل المسئولية. في إسرائيل دي مش خناقة عادية، ده زلزال. الجيش هو مصدر الشرعية هناك، ولما رئيس الأركان يطلع يتهم رئيس الوزرا انه بيستغل الدم لمصلحته الشخصية، فدي ضربة سياسية قاتلة لنتنياهو قبل الصناديق ما تفتح بساعات. 3 - صربيا.. الطلبة أسقطوا أهم حليف لنتنياهو في أوروبا القصة بدأت من سنتين بعد انهيار سقف محطة قطر في مدينة نوفي ساد ومات 16 واحد بسبب الفساد. شوية طلبة وشباب نزلوا الشارع وعملوا حاجة اسمها "قائمة الطلاب"، مفيهاش سياسيين محترفين، كلها دكاترة جامعة وممثلين ومزارعين، لفوا صربيا كلها على رجلهم وبالعجل. امبارح بالليل ألكسندر فوتشيتش اللي حاكم صربيا من 12 سنة بيد من حديد طلع بعد قفل الصناديق بساعة ونص وقال: "من الواضح أننا خسرنا هذه الانتخابات". الطلبة جابوا أكتر من 135 مقعد من 250! ليه دي ضربة لإسرائيل؟ لأن فوتشيتش ده كان من أكبر الداعمين لنتنياهو في أوروبا، ولسه في أبريل اللي فات كان عامل مشروع مشترك مع إسرائيل لتصنيع درونز عسكرية، ده غير مشاريعه مع ترامب. كله طار في ليلة واحدة. 1- البرازيل .. الجون اللي جه في الدقيقة 90 نيجي بقى للضربة الأكبر، في البرازيل أكبر دولة في أمريكا اللاتينية. من 2023 أمريكا وإسرائيل شغالين على خطة لتغيير وش القارة كلها ودعم صعود اليمين المتطرف عشان يبقوا حلفاء لهم، والعين كانت على البرازيل. السباق كان بين اتنين: لولا دا سيلفا 80 سنة، اللي بيسموه بطل الفقراء، اللي بدأ حياته مساح جزم وعامل مصنع واتسجن واتبهدل لحد ما بقى رئيس، ومعروف بعدائه الشديد للصهيونية وترامب ولبس الكوفية وقال على اللي بيحصل في غزة إبادة جماعية وسحب سفيره. وقدامه فلافيو بولسونارو ابن الرئيس السابق وأكبر حليف لترامب وإسرائيل هناك، واللي كسب أول جولة في أكتوبر اللي فات 47% مقابل 45% للولا، وكل الناس قالت خلاص لولا انتهى. ده غير إن إدارة ترامب كانت بتضغط اقتصاديا وتهدد بعقوبات لو لولا كسب، وميتا نفسها قللت وصول بوستاته لدرجة المحكمة العليا اتدخلت، وحتى في آخر ساعات الانتخابات عطلوا المواصلات العامة عشان الناس البسيطة متعرفش تنزل تصوت! اللي حصل كان معجزة بكل المقاييس. الناس نزلت تمشي على رجلها عشان تصوت. ولأول مرة في تاريخ البرازيل الحديث، اللي يخسر أول جولة يكسب الإعادة. لولا كسب 51.8% بفارق أكتر من 4 مليون صوت ورجع في ولاية رابعة. يعني في 24 ساعة بس: البرازيل قلبت على ترامب، صربيا وقعت حليف نتنياهو، جيش الاحتلال اتمرد على نتنياهو، وإيران قاعدة مع السعودية وتركيا وباكستان على ترابيزة واحدة! اللي جاي شكله مختلف تماما، وربنا يجعلها بداية نهاية الغطرسة !
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l am crying😂😭
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This would be peak ending in the World Cup
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rvnmo retweeted
Understand that in this emerging multipolar world, governments are placing greater emphasis on building domestic champions in energy, tech and heavy industry. The logic is simple; control over critical capabilities reduces state vulnerability and strengthens long-term positioning. Every major power wants companies that can develop resources, manufacture equipment, and execute large projects without relying on external actors. This drive is visible in policy, investment programs, and public statements across multiple regions. The difficulty lies in the nature of these sectors. Competitive global players in oil and gas development or heavy equipment require decades of accumulated technical expertise, integrated supply chains, specialized engineering talent, and proven ability to deliver complex projects on time and on budget. Capital alone does not close the gap. Even well-funded national efforts often struggle with the speed of innovation, the breadth of operational experience, and the global commercial networks needed to compete effectively. Attempts to build from the ground up frequently result in slower timelines, higher costs, and technology that lags behind established benchmarks. Most states therefore pursue a dual-track approach. They invest in strengthening national companies where possible while simultaneously seeking structured partnerships with proven TPS players. Like China. These arrangements take the form of joint ventures, technology licensing, local manufacturing requirements, and long-term service agreements. The TPS brings immediate capability, de-risks execution, and transfers know-how over time. The host government gains visible ownership, local content, and accelerated progress toward its development goals. This hybrid model becomes more attractive in a multipolar environment precisely because time to commercialization and competitive positioning now carries higher stakes. Multiple centers are pursuing growth and resource security at the same time. Countries that can bring new production online faster, build infrastructure more efficiently, or deploy advanced equipment sooner gain measurable advantages over those that choose slower, fully independent paths. The cost of delay rises when rivals are moving quickly. Established TPS actors with deep expertise and global scale are well positioned to meet this demand. They can deliver results on compressed timelines that purely domestic efforts cannot match. In return, they secure access to new markets and resource bases through arrangements that include local equity participation and operational involvement. Over time, the local partner often becomes stronger, yet the relationship frequently evolves into ongoing collaboration on subsequent projects rather than outright replacement. The net effect is expanded opportunity rather than contraction. More governments are actively developing resources and industrial capacity. Each represents a potential partner that values speed and reliability. Companies that can provide these attributes while accommodating local ownership preferences capture a larger share of the overall activity. The multipolar setting increases the number of counterparties competing for the same scarce inputs of capital and execution capability, which improves the negotiating position of those who already possess them. The private sector will continue to grow. America will decline. And the companies that cannot sufficiently abandon America in pursuit of global revenue, will decline along with it.
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rvnmo retweeted
When the people closest to the money, the ones who actually read the balance sheet of the country they live in, start moving en masse, that is not a lifestyle trend. That is a leading indicator of capital flight. For 300 years, the Western cities was where the rich came to be rich. That stack is unbundling now. Watch where they go. Singapore, Riyadh, Lisbon, Mumbai, Dubai. Notice what these places have in common. They are not the cities that wrote the rules of the last hundred years. They are the cities that intend to write the rules of the next hundred. The capital is voting with its feet, and it is voting against its former hosts. When you look at the Western response to the rich fleeing, they won’t ask “why are they leaving?” That question is forbidden because the answer implicates the people asking it. Instead the response is “exit taxes,” “wealth taxes on departure,” “deemed disposal rules,” capital controls in everything but name. The UK abolished its non-dom regime and watched £10bn walk out the door in eighteen months. Norway raised wealth tax and lost more tax revenue than it gained because the base left. The US already taxes its citizens globally, and yet renunciations of US citizenship are at historic highs. This is what late-stage extraction looks like from the inside. The state, having lost the ability to tax mobile capital cooperatively, tries to tax it coercively. Capital, being mobile, leaves anyway. The state then tightens the net on the people who cannot leave; the salaried, the propertied middle, the pensioner, the small business owner who is too embedded to relocate. Those people pay more so the books still close. The smart money is not waiting around to be the bag-holder. You are watching two different rooms have two completely different conversations. In one room, your political class is arguing about migration, welfare, pronouns, and which flag belongs on which building. In the other room, the people who own the assets are quietly liquidating their exposure to the country those politicians govern. They are not having the same argument as you. They are not even in the same building. The wealth was extracted, over centuries, from peripheries into Western cores. Those cores became the most expensive real estate on earth because that is where the extracted wealth was parked. Now the extraction has slowed, the peripheries are pushing back, and the wealth itself - being a finite-game actor with no loyalty to any flag - is repositioning to wherever the next century’s growth is being underwritten. The Western city does not lose its skyline overnight. It loses its tax base, then its services, then its safety, then its prestige, then its skyline. In that order. We are somewhere between step one and step two in most major Western capitals right now. For the everyday Western person, this means the next decade will be defined by something the political class will refuse to name. Your country will keep the buildings, the museums, the airports, and the army. It will lose the people who were funding it. The fiscal hole that opens up will be closed by taxing whoever is left. Whoever is left is, statistically, you.
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Aging is not the wrinkles on your face. Aging is the weakness in your legs. Aging is when you cannot climb stairs without negotiating with your knees. Aging is when simple tasks feel like a project. The problem is not age. The problem is muscle loss. Muscle is not vanity. Muscle is survival. Muscle is your metabolic engine. Muscle decides whether your blood sugar behaves or misbehaves. Muscle is the warehouse that stores glucose so it doesn’t become fat. Muscle is what protects your bones, your joints, your heart, and even your brain. But modern adults lose muscle like sand from a broken basket. — Sitting all day. — Eating bread and vibes. — Protein deficiency disguised as “I’m not really hungry.” — Zero strength training. Then you wonder why you feel older than your parents at the same age. When muscle disappears, everything collapses. — Insulin resistance creeps in. — Fatigue becomes normal. — Hormones become confused. — Balance becomes shaky. — Immunity weakens. — Healing slows down. — Stress hits harder. — Sleep becomes useless. And your body begins to age at triple speed. The so-called anti-aging creams cannot save you. The supplements cannot save you. The detox teas cannot save you. What you need is resistance training. Controlled stress on your muscles. Progressive overload. Lifting your own weight before lifting iron. Building strength like your life depends on it, because it does. You don’t lose muscle because you are old. You grow old because you lost muscle. Muscle is the real anti-aging drug, and the prescription is simple: protein, strength training, sleep, sunlight, and consistency. Grow your muscle or watch your life shrink. Don't forget to reach out for a diet plan. Share and tag your friends.
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rvnmo retweeted
Arsenal football club is a cancer to the sport. Genuinely don’t understand people that support this shitty institution. • Stood by and protected Thomas Partey while he was under investigation for multiple rape allegations. • Silenced players and sacked a long serving kitman for being publicly pro Palestine. • Allowed Oleksandr Zinchenko to publicly support Israel • Marginalised and effectively froze out Mesut Özil after he spoke about the persecution of Uyghur Muslims in China. • Arsenal Women are sponsored by Israeli beauty brand Il Makiage.
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What people thought America could be - a beacon of democracy - was the last thing it became. In reality, it’s a corporate machine that has given rise to the Transnational Private Sector (TPS). The TPS is a coalition of corporate giants, led by the Financial-Industrial Complex (FIC) with firms like JPMorgan, Goldman, and BlackRock, alongside the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC), Consumer-Industrial Complex (CIC), and Techno-Industrial Complex (TIC). This collective force operates beyond borders, transcends nationality, and prioritizes profit over public welfare. When Jamie Dimon, JPMorgan’s CEO, warned in October 2024 that wars in Ukraine and the Middle East could destabilize the global economy, he wasn’t just forecasting. He was asserting the TPS’s dominance over policy. To understand this power, you have to examine the game theory driving the TPS’s clash with nations. This concept that I have developed deliberately sets aside the idea of good, evil, right, or wrong. Geopolitical dynamics are examined through the lens of incentives, power, and measurable outcomes, not moral judgments. The focus is the strategic interplay of actors, stripped of ethical narratives. ___ Game theory provides a framework for understanding geopolitical strategies by analyzing the incentives that drive actors’ decisions. There are two distinct game types: finite and infinite. Both these games shape global interactions. Finite games are zero-sum with defined endpoints, and clear winners and losers. It’s akin to a corporate quarter where profit maximization is the sole objective. One player wins, the other loses. Infinite games, conversely, lack a conclusion, have no end, prioritizing sustained participation through long-term stability, akin to a nation’s multi-generational survival strategy. States operate within infinite games. They do not expire. They do not tap out. Their permanence compels them to prioritize enduring stability over immediate gains. For instance, China’s $1 trillion Belt and Road Initiative, spanning decades, secures global trade networks to ensure long-term economic influence. BRICS nations, through $10 billion in yuan-based trade, foster mutual economic resilience for mutual prosperity. This cooperative approach engenders a form of morality rooted in reciprocity: mutual support today ensures mutual survival tomorrow. Such strategies reflect a commitment to societal development and stability, as states must maintain legitimacy and resources for their populations over time. The TPS operates as a corporate entity, fundamentally detached from societal obligations. Unlike states, the TPS bears no responsibility to citizens, public welfare, or long-term development. Its imperative is profit maximization within finite time horizons, driven by shareholder demands and market cycles. This corporate structure compels the TPS to engage in finite games, where immediate financial returns supersede all else. For example, the TPS’s imposition of significant tariffs on global nations in 2025 aimed to secure economic leverage, prioritizing short-term gains over regional stability. Such actions reflect a rational, amoral calculus: profit is the sole metric, unburdened by considerations of societal impact or ethical norms. Finite games, by their nature, foster amorality. The TPS’s focus on short-term victories - such as market dominance through military coercion, currency wars, tariffs, and resource extraction - disregards long-term consequences, as corporate entities are not accountable for societal fallout. In contrast, infinite games cultivate morality through sustained cooperation, as states must invest in trust to ensure their longevity. The TPS has been playing finite-game rules in an infinite-game arena. When this happens, we have a mixed, unbalanced game. A mixed game provokes backlash. Picture a player disobeying the rules. That's your TPS. And it is banding states together against it to rebalance the game. The BRICS formation or the systematic de-dollarization initiatives are a strategic response, realigning global power to counter TPS dominance. It's the game recorrecting itself. This interplay of mixed-game dynamic is where the TPS’s amoral, zero-sum, profit-driven maneuvers clash with states’ cooperative, stability-oriented strategies. A payoff matrix illustrates this easily. 1. The TPS secures immediate profits but risks isolation as states band together. 2. States achieve gradual stability but sacrifice short-term gains. The TPS’s corporate nature - unencumbered by societal duties - locks it into finite games, while states’ obligations to their populations drive infinite-game cooperation. This tension, rooted in divergent incentives, underscores the global struggle between short-term profiteering and long-term resilience, setting the stage for the TPS’s operational framework. ___ What is the TPS? Picture the TPS as a colossal corporate skyscraper, its gleaming glass facade reflecting trillions in valuation that makes entire economies appear as a speck of dust. At its pinnacle, the FIC - JPMorgan, Goldman, BlackRock, Vanguard, etc. - occupies the C-suite, a sleek executive suite where profit reigns supreme. Below, the building hums with activity: the MIC (Lockheed , Raytheon, etc.) fortifies the security wing, the CIC (Exxon, Coca-Cola, Pfizer, Walmart, etc.) drives the bustling sales floor, and the TIC (Apple, Amazon, Microsoft, Nvidia, etc.) powers the innovation labs. Each department operates with calculated precision, yet all answer to the FIC’s shareholder-driven directives, tethered to a singular goal: maximizing returns, unbound by borders or public welfare. This skyscraper’s foundation is the United States, not as a sovereign nation but as a subjugated platform, meticulously engineered to amplify the TPS’s global reach. Decades of deregulation - culminating in the 1999 Glass-Steagall repeal - dismantled barriers, granting the FIC unchecked freedom to amass trillions. Tax breaks and billions in defense budgets fuel the machine, while the US government, reduced to an extension of the TPS, prioritizes corporate efficiency over its citizens. These American citizens are left to navigate the fallout. Mounting debt, eroding wages, while the TPS pursues wealth on a global stage. The Federal Reserve, calibrating monetary policy to stabilize markets, stands ready to pivot when BRICS’s multipolar trade order emerges, ensuring the TPS remains a formidable force in a restructured economy. Unlike states, bound to their people and long-term development, the TPS owes nothing to society. Its corporate essence - divorced from public accountability - drives its finite-game strategy, where profit trumps all. This skyscraper doesn’t serve nations; it commands them, reshaping the global order to its design. Let’s rewind back to the post-World War II era, when the MIC commanded the C-suite of the TPS. In those days, the MIC titans like Lockheed Martin and Raytheon held the ultimate power, with ample defense budgets out of taxpayer pockets fueling a war machine that defined America’s global reach. Fresh off its victory as a superpower, the US wielded unmatched military might, and the MIC capitalized on this dominance to shape foreign policy. Every contract, every missile, reinforced its grip. When nations resisted the TPS’s economic orbit, the MIC responded with unrelenting force. Iraq’s Saddam Hussein dared to sell oil in euros in 2000; by 2003, a NATO-led invasion, backed by $100 billion in MIC contracts, dismantled his regime, securing $500 billion in oil reserves. Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi pushed anti-dollar policies in 2011; NATO’s barrage, fueled by $160 billion in oil deals, reduced his government to rubble. The MIC’s dominance stemmed from a simple truth: war was profitable, and its C-suite reign ensured the TPS thrived on conflict, unburdened by societal costs. The tide started to shift in the 1980s, as financial deregulation reshaped the skyscraper’s power structure. The 1999 Glass-Steagall repeal, among other reforms, unleashed the FIC to amass unprecedented wealth, with their trillions in collective asset pool out-sizing economies by the 2000s. The FIC mastered hedging, by betting on every market outcome - guaranteeing profits whether markets soared or crashed. Unlike the MIC, reliant on wars, or the CIC, vulnerable to disruptions, the FIC thrived in any climate, pocketing billions in equities trading during stability or significant derivatives profits amid chaos. By 2015–2020, the FIC, sensing greater collective returns, orchestrated a quiet coup, redirecting the TPS toward diplomacy through billions in Gulf energy deals that bolstered TIC’s innovation and CIC’s margins. The FIC is unique in the sense that its role transcends coordination. It hedges against its own departments, ensuring profits even if they falter. If the CIC’s retail collapses or the MIC’s wars misfire, the FIC shorts their stocks, securing significant derivatives profits. This ruthless pragmatism drives its push for Middle East stability, as war disrupts the lucrative Gulf partnerships. The FIC is also accelerating the BRICS’s $10 billion yuan-based trade order, positioning itself to profit in a multipolar future. Consequently, within the TPS skyscraper, an inner game theory unfolds - cooperative yet fiercely competitive. When cooperative, the TPS is absolutely devastating. In Iraq, Libya, and Ukraine, the MIC’s destruction paved the way for CIC’s cheap imports and FIC’s oil bets, reaping billions while nations crumbled. It threatens Iran with MIC-led war to sweeten billions in Gulf deals, boosting TIC’s tech contracts. It instigates currency wars on Turkey, devaluing the lira, so CIC’s Marriott locks in tourism profits. Competitively, the FIC wields departments as leverage. It will coordinate with other departments for collective gain but it will also defect for better return on investment. It will conduct tariffs adversely affecting the CIC if it means vassalizing states in the future. It possesses calculated pragmatism capable of supplanting the MIC’s warlord era to steer the skyscraper toward stable profits in any climate. Not just wars and destruction. ___ Today, the FIC commands the C-suite, and it is orchestrating a strategic trifecta that reshapes the global order with calculated precision. From its executive suite, the FIC surveys a world in flux, deploying three interconnected maneuvers. Consolidation. Vassalization. BRICS alignment. The goal? To secure unrivaled dominance in a multipolar world. Each move, executed with the amoral pragmatism of a finite-game strategist, positions the TPS to thrive in the present while engineering a lucrative foothold in the emerging future. First, the TPS consolidates power within the US, its subjugated platform, by acquiring struggling small and medium enterprises (SME's) battered by tariffs and policies championed by its FIC mouthpiece, President Trump. In 2025, these tariffs - essentially taxes on imports - have spiked costs, squeezing SMEs reliant on global supply chains. The FIC, sensing opportunity, sweeps in, buying up these firms at bargain prices, folding them into the TPS’s vast empire. This consolidation strengthens the CIC and TIC, ensuring the skyscraper’s domestic foundation remains robust while smaller players falter. It’s a ruthless finite-game play: the TPS absorbs weakened assets, bolstering its retail engine without regard for local communities or economic equity. Second, the TPS vassalizes vulnerable nations, tightening its global grip. Tariffs targeting over 20 export-dependent countries - not accounting for the EU - have crippled their economies, crashing markets and eroding confidence. The FIC steps forward with predatory aid, offering loans and significant bond investments, like BlackRock’s new stake in German bonds last quarter, to stabilize budgets. These lifelines come with ironclad strings: debt binds nations to TPS agendas, transforming them into exploitation hubs stripped of autonomy. Governments, desperate to survive, cede control over resources and policies, their sovereignty reduced to a footnote in the FIC’s ledger. This vassalization mirrors the MIC’s historical conquests but swaps bombs for bonds, a subtler yet equally devastating finite-game victory. Third, the TPS accelerates the rise of a BRICS-led trade order, not as a rival but as a future arena for profit. By fracturing the dollar’s dominance through tariffs, the FIC paves the way for BRICS’s $10 billion yuan-based trade system, a multipolar framework gaining traction. This is no accident. The TPS is positioning itself to dominate this new order. Investments like significant stakes in BRICS bonds and billions in Gulf partnerships ensure the FIC’s influence spans both systems. The Federal Reserve, attuned to this shift, stands poised to recalibrate monetary policy when the time comes, keeping the TPS’s financial arsenal sharp. In vassalized nations, the TPS entrenches itself, ready to dictate terms when BRICS consolidates. The TPS’s trifecta is operating with surgical precision and chilling efficiency. Small and medium enterprises, crushed by tariffs, vanish into the TPS’s portfolio, bolstering its domestic empire. Export-dependent nations, along with Europe, kneel under the weight of FIC debt with their economies reeling, reduced to vassalized hubs serving corporate whims. The BRICS’s new trade order, quietly fueled by the TPS’s tariff-driven fracture of the dollar system, rises with the FIC’s fingerprints all over it. This is game theory’s mixed-game dynamic unfolding: the TPS’s finite-game trifecta pursuing immediate profits, where its amoral payoff structure prioritizes short-term dominance over societal stability. Yet, each of these zero-sum moves provokes states to embrace the infinite-game cooperation model. The BRICS’s trade bloc iterates strategies to counter TPS hegemony, by seeking long-term equilibrium through reciprocal trust. The FIC, anticipating this, adopts a dominant strategy: hedging with Gulf partnerships and BRICS bonds by dangling MIC threats to profit in any outcome. The FIC envisions a future of a restructured skyscraper, with its C-suite commanding a BRICS-aligned trade order, with vassalized states as mere cogs in the machine. This isn’t adaptation. It’s the TPS leveraging finite-game aggression and infinite-game foresight to rewrite the global rules once again, ensuring its dominance in a multipolar world.
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As a parent, I think this video has taught me something useful. I recommend that you should try it on your kids, too. I have also shared it with my wife. Credit: joe_drummer_boy on IG.
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TALK IS CHEAP, BUT SILENCE IS A LUXURY I’VE MASTERED A Lament Reality Check on Malaysian Politics, Brotherhood, and the Strange Art of Staying Awake During Ceramahs I am 66. Which means I’ve been dodging political rallies, avoiding partisan fever, and quietly deleting forwarded WhatsApp videos of screaming politicians for approximately six decades and change. That’s longer than some ministers have stayed loyal to a single party—which, in Malaysia, is practically sainthood. You see, I have never been a political neophyte. I have never waved a party flag, marched to a stadium or to Sogo, nor stood under a tattered tent eating bihun goreng while a local YB screamed about bangsa, agama, dan bahasa over a squealing loudspeaker. I don’t own a party polo shirt. Never have. Never will. I don’t know the party’s fight song. I barely know my own ringtone. Why? Because talk is cheap. And in Malaysia, it’s on year-round clearance sale. Politicians love talking. It’s their cardio. And the rakyat? Oh, bless us all—we keep buying it. We clap for recycled slogans like it’s Shakespeare. We laugh at jokes that wouldn’t survive a family WhatsApp group. We nod at promises like amnesiacs with a goldfish attention span. Now, don’t mistake my detachment for ignorance. I read. I observe. I scroll. I sip my kopi o’ while the political circus plays out across screens and speeches. And sometimes, I do more than watch—I remember. I remember Rafizi Ramli. Not the Deputy President who just lost. Not the technocrat with the complicated oil subsidy pitch that made most people reach for panadol. Not the viral Facebook critic with thousands of “like if you agree!” fans. No—I remember Raf of Mendula Ingens, Class of ‘94. A Budak Koleq. A Carey Award winner. A boy who once debated his way through the Piala Perdana Menteri as a Form Three student, leaving judges in awe and opponents in therapy. He wasn’t just good. He was feared. He once spoke for ten minutes straight on Malaysia’s economic future, in flawless Bahasa, quoting Keynes, Syed Hussein Alatas, and—bizarrely—a line from The Karate Kid. At 15. And yes, I remember the tahlil too. 2010. A solemn evening at Bukit Jelutong. Our dear batchmate friend, Wan Hashim a.k.a. Ginjit, had passed. His balu, Nor’Aini—who once taught in MCKK—called for a gathering of FT7276. We came, older and greyer, half of us unsure which surah to start with. And there he was—Rafizi Ramli. Not one of our batch. But present. Respectful. Quiet. When the call came to lead the tahlil, we all did the usual Malaysian Uncle Shuffle—eyes down, adjusting songkok, suddenly very fascinated by the floor tiles. But Rafizi stepped forward. And led. With the calm composure of a boy who’d grown up too quickly in too political a world. With the quiet dignity of someone who knew that real leadership isn’t shown behind podiums or press conferences—but in small, sacred spaces where no cameras roll. So when people say he’s too idealistic, too principled, too naïve, I nod. Because it’s true. Rafizi never played the long game. He played the right one. And in Malaysian politics, that’s fatal. He refused to cozy up to the usual warlords. He fought with math instead of money. He believed in oil subsidy reforms and governance like some people believe in horoscopes—stubbornly, against all logic. And yes, maybe he sulked when MOF took over his project. Maybe he lost because he didn’t build enough alliances, kiss enough hands, or flatter enough egos. But let’s be honest—what kind of person do we really want at the top? The one who plays the game? Or the one who tries to fix the board? He says he’s relieved. I believe him. Because sometimes, stepping away from the stage doesn’t mean quitting. It means surviving. Politics is a meat grinder. Even a reformist gets chewed. And maybe, just maybe—when the smoke clears and the dust settles—people will realise that you don’t need to win to have mattered.
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