LC

Spin a new company -> Acquire a company with a few years history going bust for pennies -> Goto desperate AP -> Get land allocated for free -> Find land speculators -> Flip Is that the deal?

The migration to Gujarat is mostly from underpaid blue collar workers. Most can't afford to buy a house/bring their families. It's a cycle of workers coming and going back. The same is true for Karnataka and Bangalore when it comes to blue collar migration. The problem in KA is with white collar migration. Blue collar workers are employed by mostly locals and long term settlers. The white collar ones are employed by MNCs over which Kannadigas don't have direct influence. Infact I'm not too worried about either blue or white collar migration. The affordability in Southern Karnataka is nightmarish for newer immigrants. The kids of white collar migrants in Blr are seeking jobs outside of India or are open minded about where they want to work. Bengaluru is just a stepping stone for their global ambitions. The blue collar ones are on rotation with most not able to bring their families here. Ideally it's great that immigrants are mostly choosing one part of the city to buy a house/apartment (Eastern). We should push GoK to bring back regulation to restrict where migrants can buy and live. Whole of Karnataka (especially rural parts) should never be accessible for migrants to buy property.

RSS gives BJP a fantastic foundational support base. People who will organise, campaign, knock on doors and mobilise voters. Congress has nothing comparable. But that's the base of the pyramid. Coastal KA is different. Sangh has spent decades building deep networks there. Strong in urban centres too and possibly parts of Bombay Karnataka. But go deep into rural Karnataka and RSS/BJP still has to build relationships with exactly the kind of local power networks I described above. Most of these guys aren't ideological. Their affinity is to power, money and community/caste, probably in that order. And Gujarat actually makes this point better than I expected. Modi came from the Sangh, but he wasn't some politically inconsequential grassroots guy when he became CM. He had spent decades in the RSS/BJP organisation. More importantly, look at what happened electorally afterwards. 2002 (after riots): BJP was strong in both rural and urban Gujarat. 2007: Rural strength weakened while urban/industrial Gujarat became more important. 2012: Congress actually beat BJP in the rural vote, roughly 46-43. BJP still won comfortably because it absolutely crushed Congress in urban Gujarat, roughly 58-28. So even Modi + one of the strongest Sangh organisations in India did not make rural political networks irrelevant. My problem with your idea of "decimating" the existing MLA/network structure is what replaces it. Put a politically inconsequential president on top and he cannot control MLAs or regional power centres on his own. Every serious fight eventually goes to Delhi. You now have a strong grassroots mobilisation network at the bottom, Delhi at the top and increasingly little independent political power in between. That might work brilliantly while the people at the top are enormously powerful. But it is also brittle. When the centre weakens, there aren't enough independent state/regional power centres holding the structure together. You will see this unfold when Modi falls. (Kumaranna will celebrate) Grassroots gives you the foundation. It isn't political power by itself. PS: Researched and refined using AI.