Spoken Word/Written Poet, Author, scriptwriter & actor/director, promoting the expressive power of art. Follow on IG @ Mutendei_Writes for more content.
Joined April 2013
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Mutendei Writes retweeted
1% controls the world. 4% are their puppets. 90% are asleep. 5% know and try to wake the 90%. The 1% uses the 4% to stop the 5% from waking the 90%. That's today's reality.
Mutendei Writes retweeted
Americans No Longer Celebrate Mid-Term Landslides the Way They Once Did
The wave of hope and euphoria that once accompanied Democratic victories in the Obama years is nowhere to be seen after the party’s landslide in the recent United States mid-term elections.
There are no spontaneous overnight parties in the streets, no community-driven campaign fundraisers, and no volunteer parades organised by ordinary citizens.
Americans have spent enough time examining the machinery of their politics to recognise controlled opposition when they see it. They understand that the two major parties do not offer genuine alternatives so much as they offer alternating sets of actors who ultimately serve the same corporate interests.
It would therefore be a mistake for Democrats to treat the result as a lasting popular mandate. Most observers already know that the party remains capable of launching another overseas war or of staging a fresh campaign against immigrants the moment it needs to divert attention from its failure to deliver free healthcare, free education, or any meaningful reduction in the cost of living.
The mid-terms functioned more as a referendum against the Trump family, and especially against his degenerate son-in-law Jared Kushner, than as an endorsement of misguided Democratic policy. Kushner’s role in the disastrous Middle East adventurism that produced the Iran war remains fresh in public memory, and voters appear to have punished that record without necessarily embracing the opposition as a solution.
The Democrats remain inside the same system and continue to rely on low-level psychological operations to secure re-election.
Minnesota congresswoman Ilhan Omar, for example, generated her own surrounding narrative about arrests linked to her immigration status. The episode placed her back in the news cycle and allowed her to solicit sympathy at the precise moment it was useful for her campaign. After four terms in office she has little of substance to point to beyond the increase in her own net worth and that of her husband. The exercise manufactured a sense of camaraderie while steering attention away from the absence of measurable legislative achievement.
Kenya is one of the few countries that still has a realistic chance of stepping outside this pattern. The electorate is not permanently bound to the long list of briefcase parties that circulate before every election. That distance creates the possibility of rejecting both the status quo and the controlled opposition that is presented as its only alternative.
Citizens can, for instance, set aside the latest World Bank statement claiming that the Standard Gauge Railway was inflated by 117 billion shillings. The figure is offered as if it were new information, yet the same institution has continued to transact with the regime after successive scandals of the same kind.
The performance changes little about the underlying relationship.
The same scepticism applies to the theatre produced by commercial activists like Boniface Mwangi, Hanifa Adan, Hussein Khalid, and the corrupt mainstream (githeri) media. Their interventions have repeatedly functioned as accessories to the very oppression they claim to expose and oppose, and they can be given a wide berth without any loss of political clarity.
The mid-term result in the United States shows what happens when a public finally treats both sides of a manufactured contest as part of the same arrangement. Kenya still has the option of refusing that arrangement altogether.
Mutendei Writes retweeted
Every American election is sold to the world as a historic struggle between two competing visions. Yet whether Washington turns red or blue, the machinery of American imperial power remains largely intact.
The faces change, the speeches change, but the sanctions, military interventions, economic coercion and pursuit of global dominance continue.
The Global South must understand that its liberation will never come from the ballot boxes of an empire. It will come from dismantling the structures of dependency that allow that empire to dictate the destiny of other nations.
Mutendei Writes retweeted
YES, THE REPUBLICANS LOST control of the House and the Senate. But the real story of US politics this week is the defeat of the Democratic Party’s old guard and the first large-scale failure of AIPAC.
Voters wanted a genuine anti-war stance, NOT the horrific Joe Biden/ Kamila Harris pro-Israel line.
- Both those stale Democrats pledged undying loyalty to Israel, endless funds for Netanyahu, and a bottomless supply of "special price for you" bombs with which Tel Aviv could blow up surrounding communities ("defend Israel").
- The old Democrats were loudly pro-war – we can’t forget Kamila Harris’s insistence that the US would have “the most lethal force on Earth”, and her party’s insistence that not enough taxpayer cash was being diverted to the military.
- The Democrats were also heavily into global dominance. Biden arranged “Democracy Summits” which excluded actual democratic countries, because the gatherings were really just thinly disguised sales meetings of pro-Washington agents from around the world.
(Asia’s oldest democracy, Sri Lanka, was excluded for not hating China enough, and Taiwan, which isn’t even a country by the US’s own definition, was included.)
- Biden’s foreign secretary Tony Blinken endlessly peddled the absurd lie that the US underpinned the “rules-based order”, when the country refused to sign or ratify more than 40 of the international conventions that kept the world safe. (In contrast, China DID sign most of them.)
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GLOBAL INTERFERENCE
The old Democrats, the public realized, were worse than the Republicans on the issue of US interference around the world. And Trump exploited that.
Trump defeated the Democrats in 2024 by simply realizing that the US public was opposed to overseas wars. Their leader said he would stop wars “on his first day”. It won him power.
Then he did the opposite, starting the most ill-considered war for decades, attacking Iran on Israel’s behalf, and he also threatened war on Panama, Canada, Greenland—anyone who opposed the old US habit of global military expansionism.
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WHO ATTACKED INTERNATIONAL LAW?
Most of the world is saying that Donald Trump’s administration repeatedly violates international law. This criticism is clearly valid.
But we mustn’t forget that Joe Biden did the exact same thing earlier.
“Biden showed that international law is little more than a cudgel to be used against our enemies while being treated as optional for our friends,” wrote foreign policy advisor Matt Duss in a January 2025 review of how Biden lost to Trump.
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ISRAEL CONSENSUS IS OVER
So let’s be clear about who was really defeated this week. It was the militarist status quo favored by the terrifying Israeli lobby.
Pro-Palestinian candidates won many races, and Michigan’s Abdul El-Sayed became the first Muslim in the US Senate, despite (and this is the key) AIPAC spending more than US$40m to defeat him.
“The old bipartisan consensus on Israel is over,” Beth Miller, political director of Jewish Voice for Peace Action, told the press.
What does that mean? America could stop its terrible behaviour in West Asia, and decline to send more bombs to Netanyahu. It could actually take action against the expansionist “settlers” in the West Bank. (Let’s be realistic—we’ll believe it when we see it, but at least it is now a possibility.)
Let’s recall that just a few weeks ago, AIPAC owned up to the fact that it was now harming candidates by showering them with millions of dollars and boasting that every candidate it backed got elected.
It then said it was backing off—which was not actually true. The money will just be steered to their candidates in sneakier ways.
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HOPE FOR LESS INTERFERENCE IN ASIA
From the point of view of Asia—which, in human terms, is larger than all the other regions of the world put together—the results are mixed, but can be seen as hopeful.
Asia wants peace and freedom from US interference. The old United States, both parties, endlessly used their proxy forces in the Philippines and Taiwan and Hong Kong to create friction.
Both Biden and Trump worked hard to turn Asia (Australia, Japan, Taiwan, the Philippines, Papua New Guinea, others) into a network of proxy forces with which to threaten or attack China, which had committed the grave sin, in US eyes, of developing peacefully, without invading the rest of Asia.
It would be naïve to assume that a major move towards peace is coming. But looking at the number of non-white, pro-peace faces among the mid-term winners yesterday, one can at least hope for a safer, fairer world.
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So rather than expanding Ngong Road between Karen and Ngong Town into a dual carriage both ways, a drainage trench has been dug that will make it impossible to expand the road. Could have done both. Well done. #kenyatimes #lifeandtimesinkenya
Mutendei Writes retweeted
Bill Maher Challenged By Glenn Greenwald Over U.S. Intervention In Muslim Countries
Bill maher: it’s not our fault what came out. we didn’t go into egypt. we ended up with the muslim brotherhood.
Glenn greenwald: we were supporting and propping up mubarak for 30 years, even as we were cheering for all the tahrir square demonstrators as though we were on their side. it was our government that kept mubarak in power. we’ve done the same thing across the entire muslim world.
it’s amazing for you to say, “look at all these muslims. the minute you give them a little bit of freedom, they go wild and start being violent.”
how can you be a citizen of the united states, a country that has generated more violence and militarism in the world over the last five or six decades, and then say, “look at those people over there. they’re incredibly violent”?
we play a significant role in what has been happening in the middle east because we’ve been interfering in and dominating that region to maintain access.
bill maher: i wasn’t talking about violence. i was talking about theocracy. that doesn’t happen here.
glenn greenwald: okay, that doesn’t happen here. but at the same time, iran isn’t invading lots of other countries and occupying them for a decade. nor are fundamentalist muslim countries doing what the united states has done.
these things are interconnected because we’re continuously interfering in that part of the world.
bill maher: so it’s all our fault?
glenn greenwald: it’s not all our fault. but when you send your military into other countries for six straight decades to bomb them, kill their children, women and innocent men, and prop up dictators, you have to take responsibility for your actions.
bill maher: that region goes back a thousand years before our revolution, so i don’t think we can take all the blame.
glenn greenwald: i don’t think we should take all the blame. i think we should take a lot of it. and there have been plenty of bodies and corpses piled up in the name of christianity and judaism as well.
bill maher: not recently.
glenn greenwald: have you heard of the occupation of the west bank and gaza for the last 50 years, motivated in part by extremist views of judaism?
or the wars in europe? or the fact that there were generals in the united states saying we had to invade and destroy iraq, a country of 26 million people, because our god is bigger?
lots of religions, not just islam, have produced violence.
bill maher: that’s a silly liberal view that all religions are alike because it makes you feel good.
glenn greenwald: no, it makes you feel good to say our side is better.
bill maher: to put a crown on your head and say, “i’m a good person. how do i prove that?”
glenn greenwald: you get to ignore the responsibility your own government has for violence and instability in the world by saying, “look, it’s that primitive religion over there that’s to blame.”
Mutendei Writes retweeted
implement. According to PD, KRA Chairman Ndiritu Muriithi is defending a proposal to impose a 25% tax on mobile phones at SIM card activation.
Here is how it would work: You walk into a shop and buy a phone advertised at KSh10,000. You pay the seller, insert your SIM card, and suddenly you are expected to pay another KSh2,500 in tax before you can use your phone.
Think about that!
But the cost is not the only concern. There are serious privacy questions too. What device information will KRA and telecom operators collect during activation? Who will have access to it, and what safeguards will protect Kenyans?
Even more concerning, this is a proposal Kenyans already rejected during the Finance Bill 2026 debate. Why is it being pushed again?
KRA argues that the measure will help crack down on tax evasion by importers who allegedly bring in phones under consolidated cargo arrangements and misrepresent their ownership to avoid taxes.
But why should ordinary Kenyans bear the inconvenience and additional cost of a tax enforcement mechanism designed to catch dishonest importers?
Why not strengthen enforcement at the importation stage instead of turning every phone activation into a tax collection exercise?
Mutendei Writes retweeted
What the average African hasn't yet fully grasped is that when CIA assets masquerading as presidents of your nation seem to be failing at their jobs, they aren't. You're simply not privy to their actual JDs. They were specifically installed to destabilise national economic progress.
During their performance assessments, they're told, "Great work! Here's a little gift." And it's a Zoom call with Will Smith or Beyoncé singing "Happy Birthday", or whatever childhood American hero they're dying to meet.
Still, it's a gorgeous day out and there are reasons to be grateful. Happy Sunday!
Mutendei Writes retweeted
AGENDA 2027: AFTER THE BALLOT
The Choices That Will Shape Kenya After Elections
Sifuna’s American Tour: The Diaspora Deserves More Than Another Fundraising Dinner
As Nairobi Senator Edwin Sifuna prepares for his anticipated tour of the United States, I hope he will depart from the familiar script of Kenyan politicians visiting the diaspora.
Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua and former Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’i have both attracted considerable interest among Kenyans in America. I will resist the temptation to discuss the ethnic composition of their audiences. I am not among those Kenyans who pretend ethnicity has no role in political mobilisation, whether in Kenya or elsewhere. Charity begins at home. Period.
But a politician with national ambitions must eventually transcend the comfort of his ethnic constituency. Sifuna’s tour is an opportunity to do so.
Kenya has an estimated four million citizens living abroad. According to the Central Bank of Kenya, formal remittances reached approximately Sh650 billion in 2025. A broader household survey by the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics estimated Sh931.8 billion in cash and in-kind remittances over the 12 months ending May 2025.
That is an extraordinary amount of money. It is also an extraordinary demonstration of patriotism, expressed in exhausting shifts, missed holidays and transfers made at considerable personal sacrifice.
Our people are among our most valuable exports, although the uncomfortable discussion about the kinds of labour we export can wait for another day. The relationship between Kenya and its diaspora remains disproportionately extractive. We celebrate the money. We rarely celebrate the people.
Where is the love?
To its credit, the Kenya Kwanza administration has strengthened the institutional recognition of the diaspora, including through the State Department for Diaspora Affairs. These are useful beginnings. But a considerable distance remains between recognising the diaspora in government documents and making Kenyans abroad feel genuinely valued.
Many Kenyans overseas work heartbreaking shifts in unglamorous jobs. Others are professionals in prestigious institutions. Some left to pursue opportunity; others left because the economy offered them little choice. What unites many of them is a continuing emotional investment in Kenya. They want their children to know where they came from, their parents to live decently, and the country they left behind to become somewhere they can return to with pride.
Unfortunately, relations between Kenyans at home and those abroad are not particularly healthy. Mutual suspicion runs high, sometimes disguised as humour and sometimes expressed with remarkable contempt. Those abroad are dismissed as arrogant people who have forgotten the realities of home. Those at home are accused of dependency, entitlement, and a troubling inability to understand that dollars do not grow on trees in America.
Somewhere between these two groups sits the terrible institution we call black tax.
The economy has made matters worse. Healthcare, education, rent and unemployment consume incomes before people can plan their futures, and those pressures inevitably travel across borders. I suspect that some of the growth in remittances reflects the growing demands placed on senders, in addition to the growing number of Kenyans abroad. That hypothesis deserves investigation before we celebrate every increase as evidence of national prosperity.
Black tax cannot become Kenya’s permanent substitute for functioning public services. A Kenyan working overseas should not be automatically appointed the emergency treasury secretary of an entire extended family.
This brings me to Sifuna. His presidential ambitions present an opportunity to put a serious question on the national agenda: What would a humane, mutually beneficial relationship between Kenya and its diaspora actually look like?
First, his engagement should be genuinely national. Sifuna belongs to Kenyans as much as he belongs to the Bukusu community. The conversation should include Kenyans from every region, ethnicity, profession and economic background.
Second, the tour should not become another fundraising exhibition. Campaigns require resources, and there is nothing objectionable about citizens voluntarily financing politicians whose ideas they support. But the diaspora deserves something more substantial than an expensive dinner, a photograph with a politician and a speech promising to rescue Kenya. Let fundraising be transparent, voluntary and properly accounted for. Let policy dominate the conversation.
Third, Kenyans abroad need credible protection for their investments. Too many have sent money home for land, houses or businesses, only to discover that the property, contractor, relative or opportunity was not quite what had been represented. Fraud is hardly unique to the diaspora, but distance makes victims particularly vulnerable. Kenya needs accessible property verification, transparent land transactions, reliable dispute resolution and stronger enforcement. A Kenyan in Washington, London, Doha or Melbourne should be able to conduct legitimate business without relying on a chain of intermediaries. These reforms should benefit every Kenyan, without establishing a privileged class of citizens abroad.
Fourth, we must think beyond remittances. Imagine diaspora money moving confidently into manufacturing, agriculture, technology, healthcare, infrastructure and growing businesses. Too much of it still ends up in another apartment block, another speculative plot or another family emergency.
Other countries offer useful lessons. Ireland has developed extensive networks connecting its diaspora to business, culture, public policy and national development, and its 2026-2030 diaspora strategy was informed by consultations with Irish communities abroad. Israel has long mobilised diaspora capital through development bonds. India has used diaspora bonds at critical moments, while its overseas professional networks have connected Indian businesses to international markets. None offers a magical formula, but all demonstrate that a diaspora can contribute far beyond household consumption.
Kenya already has a diaspora investment strategy. The task is to turn it into institutions people trust, with transparent projects, reasonable returns, credible safeguards and measurable results. I would love to see Kenya substantially increase the economic value of its diaspora relationships over the coming decade, perhaps even double it. That ambition must go beyond extracting twice as much money from people already supporting too many dependants. It should attract productive investment, create employment at home and eventually reduce the burden on those abroad.
Fifth, Kenya must take knowledge transfer seriously. Kenyans work in leading universities, hospitals, financial institutions, technology companies and research centres around the world, and some possess precisely the expertise Kenya needs. Yet our public appointments too often appear designed around political loyalty. Loyalists have a place in politics, but serious economic and technical decisions require serious people. Diaspora professionals should be able to advise ministries, mentor local institutions, undertake temporary assignments and collaborate with Kenyan businesses without abandoning successful careers overseas or submitting to political patronage.
Sixth, consular welfare deserves greater attention. Kenyans facing exploitation, detention, workplace abuse, bereavement or other emergencies abroad should know where to seek help and what assistance to expect. Our embassies and consulates perform important work, sometimes under difficult circumstances, but service standards, emergency response and accountability can improve. Better data would also help government understand who its citizens abroad are, where they live, what they need and what they can contribute.
Finally, the relationship must become genuinely two-way. Diaspora engagement should not mean politicians arriving with ready-made speeches, collecting applause and contributions, then disappearing until the next election. For Sifuna, a better approach could begin with a published diaspora policy blueprint, open consultations and a clear mechanism for continuing engagement after the tour. It would also mean answering difficult questions: What can realistically be achieved? What would require legislation? What would it cost? Which reforms could begin immediately, and which would take years?
The diaspora does not need another politician promising heaven. It needs a government that understands why so many Kenyans had to leave home, respects what they have built elsewhere and creates conditions in which their patriotism can find meaningful expression.
That is the standard against which Sifuna’s American engagement, and those of every politician seeking national leadership, should be judged. Let him listen more than he speaks. Let him offer a workable, believable and ambitious blueprint.
Above all, let us stop treating Kenyans abroad as walking dollar/euro/dinar/pound/yen/rand signs. They are citizens, partners and stakeholders in the country’s future.
Patriotism should not be a one-way money transfer.
Mutendei Writes retweeted
Under pressure from Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the Trump administration may be within days of launching a nuclear strike on Iran. The target would be Pickax Mountain in central Iran, where Israeli intelligence claims the Iranian government has restarted its nuclear enrichment program. No conventional weapon in the American arsenal can penetrate 300 feet of solid granite to destroy the tunnels where enrichment is supposedly taking place. The only military option is a nuclear strike. Netanyahu has been pushing hard for one. “Bibi calls Trump about it every day,” says an informed observer.
Netanyahu is cornered and desperate. After last week’s election results, he can’t form a government unless Trump intervenes directly in Israeli politics and brokers a deal with other parties that gives Netanyahu 61 seats in the Knesset. Otherwise, he is out as prime minister and on his way to ignominy, investigations and possibly jail. Netanyahu must stay close to Trump. He needs this war.
To that end, he’s applied maximum pressure to his closest allies in the administration, including Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and CENTCOM commander Brad Cooper. Both oppose a negotiated settlement to the war they’ve so grievously mismanaged; both are pushing to restart major combat operations. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and CIA director John Ratcliffe are also following Netanyahu’s lead, as are leaders of the Democratic Party. In a recent meeting on the subject, former president Barack Obama said he opposes the current Iran peace deal being drafted in Doha.
The rest of America’s longtime allies in the Middle East are terrified by the prospect of more war. On September 27th, Netanyahu flew secretly to Abu Dhabi to enlist the UAE in his lobbying effort for a final attack on Iran. The Emiratis refused. After eight months of conflict, Gulf economies are teetering. So are global energy and fertilizer markets. They won’t recover soon. Globally, there are a total of about 850 supertankers used to transport oil from producers to the rest of the world. In October alone, 11 of them were badly damaged in Hormuz. At this pace, a global depression is imminent. A nuclear strike would radically accelerate the destruction. Fallout from a ground explosion at Pickax Mountain would contaminate the Persian Gulf, poisoning the water supply for 100 million people.
And those are just some of the immediate consequences for the region. The rest of the world is every bit as exposed. No country other than the United States has ever used a nuclear weapon in war. Some would like to. An American nuclear attack on Iran would set a new precedent. The Russians have already told at least two other governments that an American nuclear strike on Iran would free them to use nuclear weapons against Ukraine. Pakistan and India would be tempted to do the same against each other, as would North Korea against Seoul. After the first nuclear strike, World War Three is inevitable. That war would be short and final.
We’ve been sleepwalking toward this moment for months. Since February, the administration has quietly rewritten America’s nuclear doctrine to make first use of so-called “battlefield nukes” easier and therefore more likely. No one in Washington in either party seems bothered by this. Now we’re on the brink of it.
Close observers say Trump is likely to decide by next weekend whether or not to use nuclear weapons. That would be November 7, six days from now. To his credit, he’s hesitating. At the moment, Trump is listening to his vice president, JD Vance, and to his envoy and friend Steve Witkoff, both of whom argue a deal with Iran can be made.
They’re right, though it won’t be simple. The Iranians are famously frustrating to negotiate with under any circumstances, and elements of that government have become more radical since Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his family were killed in February. After decades of isolation, even relatively moderate Iranian leaders seem confused by how decisions are made in the West. (There is a widespread belief in Tehran, for example, that the United States government controls Israel.) But overall, people who have spoken to decision-makers in Iran say there is consensus there that more war is bad for everyone and a deal is worth making.
One group that hasn’t been consulted so far is the global population — the hundreds of millions of people who will be killed along with their children if Trump is pushed by Netanyahu into launching a nuclear strike next week. Now would be the time for them to speak up.
Mutendei Writes retweeted
6 Things We Learned About African Leaders from the Putin Ice Cream Affair
It happened in Moscow, at the Third Russia–Africa Summit. Our presidents had just been given a tour of Russian gadgets. Then in what was meant as a lighthearted moment, they were led to an ice cream stand, where they lined up with their hands out, like Standard Four pupils on sports day. Social media had a field day.
Won’t join the outrage, but will do the responsible thing and ask what was in the cup. It was plombir, the pride of the Soviet kitchen: cream, milk, egg yolks and sugar, with enough butterfat to grease a bill through Parliament. With the science settled, here’s what we learned.
1. “Strongmen” means strong stomachs: For decades we were told African leaders are strongmen. We thought that meant a strong grip on power and strong immunity to term limits. It turns out it means the stomach. They swallowed full-fat plombir in the Moscow cold, and nobody had to leave the plenary early. Whatever their problems with the constitution, none of the presidents in Moscow had a problem with lactose.
2. They finally met a queue: Back home, queues are for citizens. You queue to vote at 5am, only to be told the kit has “malfunctioned.” You queue for unga, fuel, ID cards and a hospital bed. Presidents only see queues through the tinted glass of a motorcade, usually while the queue is being pushed aside for the motorcade. In Moscow they finally stood in one. Unlike our voter queues, this one had a guaranteed result: everyone who lined up got what they came for, and nobody found their name missing from the register.
3. They survived a food line full of strangers: Many of these leaders run cabinets that look like a family WhatsApp group: the son in Defence, the in-law at the Central Bank, the nephew handling tenders. For them, this was a brave outing. The person in front wasn’t a cousin. The person behind wasn’t from the home village. Amazingly, they all survived. Diversity was tried once, in Moscow, and it killed no one.
4. Somebody had to be fifth: At home, the first slice of the national cake is theirs by divine right: the juicy contracts, the prime land, the best piece of nyama choma before the guests even sit down. In Moscow, someone had to be fifth in line. Someone may have got the cup that had started to melt. Nobody declared a state of emergency.
5. They probably missed the lesson: The whole lesson was right in front of them. There was enough for everyone, each person got one, the line moved and nobody went home empty-handed. That is a public policy manual in a paper cup. Did they absorb it? Unlikely. Expect them to land at home and go straight back to the old formula: one for me, and the rest also for me.
6. But it felt like home: Beneath the cold, there was something warm and familiar about it all: free food, no bill and a host eager to please. It was just like home, where the banquets, per diems and hotel bills are paid by taxpayers who were never invited. But nothing in Moscow is free. The ice cream comes with a cone, and the cone comes with a contract: the grain deals, the mining concessions, and the Africa Corps men who guard shaky regimes for a fee reportedly paid in gold and mineral rights. The plombir melts in minutes. The invoice doesn’t.
Next summit, perhaps they’ll carry their own cooler box. Better still, they could stay home and fix the queues there.
peopledaily.digital/news/put…
Mutendei Writes retweeted
Mutendei Writes retweeted
Apparently, in Kenya, you must first spend 30 years disappointing people before you're qualified to lead them. A newcomer with fresh ideas is considered inexperienced, while a veteran with a record of failure is called a statesman. What a system! 😂
Mutendei Writes retweeted
بص يا صديقي لو مش متابع اللي بيحصل في العالم في آخر 24 ساعة فاتك كتير أوي .
حرفيا 4 ضربات ورا بعض لأمريكا وإسرائيل في نفس اليوم، والنتيجة ممكن تغير خريطة السياسة كلها!
تعالى ناخدها بالعكس، من التقيلة للأخف 👇
1- من كام ساعة بس 3 طيارات عسكرية سعودية وتركية وباكستانية نزلت في مطار مهرآباد في طهران. اللي قاعدين دلوقتي على ترابيزة واحدة: وزير الدفاع السعودي الأمير خالد بن سلمان، وقائد الجيش الباكستاني عاصم منير، ورئيس المخابرات التركية إبراهيم قالن، مع الرئيس الإيراني مسعود بزشكيان وأمين الأمن القومي محسن رضائي.
الاجتماع تحت اسم "اتفاقية مكة للدفاع المشترك" وإيران بتقول عايزين نعمل منظومة أمن إقليمي داخلية من غير تدخل أجنبي، والسعودية بتقول هدفنا تهدئة وخفض تصعيد. يعني اللي كان مستحيل من سنة بقى بيحصل دلوقتي قدام عنينا.
2 - تمرد داخل جيش الاحتلال نفسه
القناة 12 الإسرائيلية نفسها وبموافقة الرقابة العسكرية قالت قنبلة، قبل انتخابات الكنيست بـ 24 ساعة بس. رئيس الأركان إيال زامير جاله أمر مباشر من نتنياهو ينفذ ضربة كبيرة كانت هتولع مواجهة شاملة مع إيران ودولة عربية تانية.
اللي حصل إن زامير رفض! وقاله بالنص مش هورط الجيش في حرب عشان تكسب انتخابات أو تهرب من المحاكمات، ولو عايز الضربة دي هاتلي تفويض مكتوب وموقع من الحكومة كلها تتحمل المسئولية.
في إسرائيل دي مش خناقة عادية، ده زلزال. الجيش هو مصدر الشرعية هناك، ولما رئيس الأركان يطلع يتهم رئيس الوزرا انه بيستغل الدم لمصلحته الشخصية، فدي ضربة سياسية قاتلة لنتنياهو قبل الصناديق ما تفتح بساعات.
3 - صربيا.. الطلبة أسقطوا أهم حليف لنتنياهو في أوروبا
القصة بدأت من سنتين بعد انهيار سقف محطة قطر في مدينة نوفي ساد ومات 16 واحد بسبب الفساد. شوية طلبة وشباب نزلوا الشارع وعملوا حاجة اسمها "قائمة الطلاب"، مفيهاش سياسيين محترفين، كلها دكاترة جامعة وممثلين ومزارعين، لفوا صربيا كلها على رجلهم وبالعجل.
امبارح بالليل ألكسندر فوتشيتش اللي حاكم صربيا من 12 سنة بيد من حديد طلع بعد قفل الصناديق بساعة ونص وقال: "من الواضح أننا خسرنا هذه الانتخابات". الطلبة جابوا أكتر من 135 مقعد من 250!
ليه دي ضربة لإسرائيل؟
لأن فوتشيتش ده كان من أكبر الداعمين لنتنياهو في أوروبا، ولسه في أبريل اللي فات كان عامل مشروع مشترك مع إسرائيل لتصنيع درونز عسكرية، ده غير مشاريعه مع ترامب. كله طار في ليلة واحدة.
1- البرازيل .. الجون اللي جه في الدقيقة 90
نيجي بقى للضربة الأكبر، في البرازيل أكبر دولة في أمريكا اللاتينية.
من 2023 أمريكا وإسرائيل شغالين على خطة لتغيير وش القارة كلها ودعم صعود اليمين المتطرف عشان يبقوا حلفاء لهم، والعين كانت على البرازيل.
السباق كان بين اتنين: لولا دا سيلفا 80 سنة، اللي بيسموه بطل الفقراء، اللي بدأ حياته مساح جزم وعامل مصنع واتسجن واتبهدل لحد ما بقى رئيس، ومعروف بعدائه الشديد للصهيونية وترامب ولبس الكوفية وقال على اللي بيحصل في غزة إبادة جماعية وسحب سفيره.
وقدامه فلافيو بولسونارو ابن الرئيس السابق وأكبر حليف لترامب وإسرائيل هناك، واللي كسب أول جولة في أكتوبر اللي فات 47% مقابل 45% للولا، وكل الناس قالت خلاص لولا انتهى.
ده غير إن إدارة ترامب كانت بتضغط اقتصاديا وتهدد بعقوبات لو لولا كسب، وميتا نفسها قللت وصول بوستاته لدرجة المحكمة العليا اتدخلت، وحتى في آخر ساعات الانتخابات عطلوا المواصلات العامة عشان الناس البسيطة متعرفش تنزل تصوت!
اللي حصل كان معجزة بكل المقاييس. الناس نزلت تمشي على رجلها عشان تصوت. ولأول مرة في تاريخ البرازيل الحديث، اللي يخسر أول جولة يكسب الإعادة. لولا كسب 51.8% بفارق أكتر من 4 مليون صوت ورجع في ولاية رابعة.
يعني في 24 ساعة بس: البرازيل قلبت على ترامب، صربيا وقعت حليف نتنياهو، جيش الاحتلال اتمرد على نتنياهو، وإيران قاعدة مع السعودية وتركيا وباكستان على ترابيزة واحدة!
اللي جاي شكله مختلف تماما، وربنا يجعلها بداية نهاية الغطرسة !
Mutendei Writes retweeted
Since @m_ogada was on #MaishaKazini, he has explained that Kenyans have a lot of madharau for skill and training. I suspect that in Kenya, it is only because we know the health risks, that we do not employ carpenters as orthopedic surgeons, since both use drills, or IT graphic designers as radiologists, since both produce diagrams. If we had a choice, we would not employ actual surgeons and radiologists because we want to pay them less, especially if the hospital owner is not trained in the medical field. Business owners don't want to expose to workers that they know little about the businesses they start, and honestly speaking, skilled workers will exploit their bosses' lack of expertise, anyway.
I might sound like I'm exaggerating, but I think that attitude is actually reaching critical sectors. It is in the construction industry, as we speak. Kenya graduates many engineers. Many. They go to Japan and build bridges across the sea. But in Kenya, the Engineering Board gatekeeps them and doesn't allow them to get licenses. Then building constructors don't hire the trained professionals because they don't want to pay them commensurate with their skill. And then a multiple-story building collapses. And the press obsesses with policing, meaning government licenses and corruption.
But nobody talks about the fact that business people in Kenya don't want to hire professionally trained people. And professionals don't want to mentor the next generation of professionals.
I started my channel Maisha Kazini to basically explain how we Kenyans have a pathological relationship to knowledge and work. We don't honor knowledge, we hate skill, and we despise work. And that is a colonial and political problem. We inherited it from the British elite idea that work is for the hoi polloi, and ideas are useless. This pathology is extremely expensive, but there's no chance it's going anywhere when we hate philosophy and thinking with such a passion, that our current education system unapologetically announced that it subscribed to that stupidity.
Incidentally, the same pathology is behind the decline of European and the US economies, but we still haven't understood it. We are still subscribe to the Euro-American obsession with glamor and fame, rather than look at countries that are growing because they put themselves to WORK.
Mutendei Writes retweeted
Joshua Michael found an access token on Flock's public website.
No login required. No authentication. Just sitting there.
He downloaded Flock's entire database. 300,000 device locations. 170,000 cameras. 130,000 other hardware units. 27,000 acoustic detectors.
Made a map. Published it September 23.
The Senate held a hearing on Flock the same day. Cited Michael's research.
Flock panicked.
Sent a cease-and-desist. Used a brand-protection vendor called Doppel to claim trademark infringement.
The map said it wasn't affiliated with Flock. Doppel didn't care.
Michael's site went dark.
Then Proton moved it to Swiss servers.
Now it lives on protonmcp.org. Untouchable. Uncensorable. Hosted by an encryption company in a country that doesn't care what Flock wants.
The irony is crystalline.
Flock left an access token on the internet. Michael used it to download their own data. Published it. Flock tried to suppress it.
Proton said suppressing it is suppressing information.
Which is true.
The map shows Flock has 150,000 more cameras than they publicly claimed.
Shows acoustic detection units mapping human speech across the country.
Shows which police departments have access to the whole network.
Flock doesn't want that visible.
So they tried trademark infringement.
Which only worked until Proton decided transparency matters more than Flock's feelings.
Now everyone can see exactly how many cameras are watching their car. Where they are. Which cops can see them.
Michael warned Flock about the exposed token in November 2025.
Flock ignored him.
Then got mad when he used it.
The surveillance company that claims to protect privacy just tried to suppress the only map showing how much they actually surveille.
And failed.
‼️ Proton is hosting a map of 300,000+ Flock surveillance device locations that Flock tried to get taken down.
Researcher Joshua Michael says he pulled them from Flock's own systems via a token left open to anyone.
Proton calls the takedown "an attempt to suppress information."
Readers added context they thought people might want to know
This is the correct link: proton.me/flock-camera-m…
