At a recent event where I spoke at a community center, a group of “pro-Palestine” militiamen appeared outside to protest and disrupt the event, along with agitated older white women who entered the venue to do the same on the inside. The organizers and I had arranged extensive security because these same “activists” had spent days trying to get the event canceled and openly vowed to do whatever they could to stop it from happening. As I walked in, a few masked “activists” in keffiyehs whispered, "is this the genocide guy?" I turned to them and said, "hi gentlemen, thanks for coming." One replied, "Free Palestine." I responded, "I agree, including from Hamas." Once I began speaking, several disruptors engaged in a steady stream of whispering, side conversations, eye-rolling, posturing, and juvenile antics. I stopped and asked one of the women why she and her comrades were behaving like children. She admitted she knew nothing about me or my work but felt qualified to declare that if I were truly Palestinian, my Nakba-surviving grandparents would be rolling in their graves. I asked the agitators to be respectful, explaining that while security could remove them, I would rather they listen to what I actually had to say, instead of relying on misinformation spread about me by the local DSA, BDS, and other "pro-Palestine" groups. What enraged me most was their reaction when I spoke about my family in Gaza, the relatives we have lost to Israeli airstrikes during the post-October 7 war, and the destruction of both my childhood homes. These white “activists” laughed and smirked as I described some of the most painful experiences of my life and the sense of personal loss that inspires my work. They showed shocking indifference toward the very Palestinians on whose behalf they claim to be acting. I confronted some of the disruptors directly and asked why they get to define what it means to be "pro-Palestine," despite knowing nothing about me and showing no interest in the trauma my family has endured. Some stormed out shouting "Free Palestine." Others fell silent. One person, despite strongly disagreeing with me, acknowledged that my views were rooted in personal loss and genuine concern for my people and shook my hand before leaving. On my way out, a pseudo-journalist known for glorifying Hamas and "the resistance" tried to ambush me with questions about whether I was paid by weapons manufacturers, oil companies, or, as he brilliantly misstated it, the "Arab Union Emirates." It struck me how absurd it is that I needed three heavily armed security officers and a bodyguard simply to speak about healing and reconciliation between Palestinians and Israelis, the dangers of extremism for both societies, the catastrophic damage Hamas has inflicted on the Palestinian national project, and the right of Palestinians to freedom, safety, and prosperity alongside a secure Israel.

Hamas and its network of activists, journalists, and supporters are celebrating the “memory” of Gaza’s butcher, Yahya Sinwar, on the second anniversary of his death in southern Gaza during an encounter with Israeli forces. Sinwar, a maniacal psychopath and a violent extremist responsible for mass harm, loss of life, and grave human rights violations, is synonymous with the October 7 massacre and the devastation it unleashed on Israelis and, above all, on Palestinians in Gaza. His legacy fits a long, damaging pattern of Palestinian leaders whose catastrophic decisions, corruption, and indifference have repeatedly derailed any path toward freedom or prosperity. His death should prompt honest reckoning and introspection, not an effort to sanitize the crimes of a deranged lunatic who never should have held power over the fate of 2.3 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. Sinwar led the “resistance” that’s idolized by people too uninformed to grasp the scale of the harm he and his “resistance” fascists have inflicted.

Not a week passes without Hamas abducting Palestinian civilians in Gaza and subjecting them to torture, beatings, deprivation, intimidation, isolation, and threats of execution. Many cases never surface because families stay silent, hoping to appease the group and protect their sons and daughters. Yesterday, Hamas kidnapped Ahmed Hilles, a well‑known young Gazan committed to a future beyond the group’s terroristic rule. He has been the subject of incitement by vicious arms of Hamas, including the Belgium-stationed counterintelligence social media-based network called “To catch a spy,” run by the fraudulent Hamas double agent who received political asylum in Belgium, Mohammed Othman. Last week Hamas abducted Eyad (Abu Hammam) Jundeya, an anti‑Hamas Gazan who had criticized Hamas‑aligned merchants for gouging prices to cover the group’s taxes. He disappeared for more than a week and was released showing clear signs of torture, then warned never again to speak on social media about Hamas or anything happening in Gaza. Hamas’s internal security also went after a friend of mine, previously arrested and tortured, summoning him yet again and threatening that he is out of chances if he posts anything critical of the group or its rule. I’ve spent days mapping where Hamas drags people for industrial‑scale interrogation, intimidation, torture, beatings, and execution threats. One site is steps from my childhood home in Gaza City, the el‑Yarmouk football stadium area in northern Rimal, between Sheikh Radwan and downtown. Hamas also uses abandoned or partially damaged houses and buildings across Gaza, including near Shujaiyya, Jabaliya, Sheikh Radwan, el‑Saha, Zeitoun, and Tal al‑Hawa. Through direct and indirect channels, I asked people with close contact to the Israeli military whether they knew about the sites Hamas uses for internal security and counterintelligence operations against Gazans. I inquired specifically if the military was aware of where Hamas takes civilians to be interrogated, tortured, beaten, jailed, and threatened by its various security services. I received broadly consistent answers: 1. Yes, the Israeli military generally knows where Hamas operates, including sites in partially destroyed structures, makeshift centers, medical facilities, displacement areas, and private homes. 2. The military does not have standing orders to target all Hamas police or rank‑and‑file militants. 3. Current priorities focus on eliminating those involved in October 7 and senior figures in Hamas’s military leadership. 4. The IDF will strike Hamas targets of any level if they credibly appear, through intelligence or observation, to be preparing attacks against Israel or IDF forces inside Gaza. 5. Because the ceasefire restricts major offensive operations, the IDF prioritizes Hamas targets according to Israel’s national security interests, not what might be most helpful or necessary for Gaza’s civilian population. If the Israeli military is understandably ill-positioned to counter Hamas’s internal terror apparatus against Palestinians in Gaza, then who is? Will it fall to the incoming NCAG-led Gaza police force and the International Stabilization Force under the Board of Peace? Could the UN do it? The Palestinian Authority? An armed uprising? A new regional or international coalition of the willing? And if the transitional process becomes excruciatingly slow and overly complex, will the international community tolerate a Jihadi‑fascist‑Islamist organization holding two million people hostage in 1/3rd of Gaza with no real horizon for Gazans to be freed from Hamas’s grip?

Is Hamas Becoming a Global Identity Vehicle? Support for Hamas has morphed into a transnational phenomenon that is not just about being “pro-Palestine.” Instead, Hamas and what it represents have become a form of rebellious identity expression and a vessel for a sprawling mix of grievances: ideological, economic, cultural, and psychological. Its jihadist violence is being repackaged as a catch‑all outlet for anti‑Western, anti‑capitalist, anti‑white, and antisemitic politics. Whether it is leftism or Islamism, the “resistance” narrative that Hamas ostensibly represents has become quite a normalized interpretation of how to think about October 7 and the past two decades in Gaza, while erasing Palestinian agency, responsibility, and accountability. The inability to truly understand the complexities and actual details of the Israel and Palestine conflict is why so many support Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and the Iranian regime, all of whom are somehow seen as correcting or challenging white-centric dominance and colonialism. The third anniversary of October 7 exposed the scale of this shift. Large crowds in American and European cities used the worst day for Jews since the Holocaust and the most disastrous day in Palestinian history to flaunt their support for violent Islamist extremism. To understand the extent to which the “pro-Palestine” industrial complex has mutated and created out-of-control monsters, consider how incredibly damaging and self-sabotaging the pro-Hamas rallies and actions were. They deliberately chose to brand the Palestinian cause as inseparable from the bloodshed, hostage‑taking, and fascistic jihad of 10/7. These Western pro‑Hamas demonstrators are erasing any distinction between Palestinians and a terror organization that has devastated Palestinian society far more than it ever harmed Israelis. Their behavior naturally triggers an instinctive backlash: a hardening of attitudes, a dismissal of Palestinian suffering, and a collapse of sympathy for legitimate Palestinian grievances. Compounding the problem is the statistically confirmed fact that large segments of the Arab, Muslim, and Palestinian diaspora communities have been unable or unwilling to counter this trend. Some have joined it outright, embracing the “resistance” narrative or hiding behind slogans like “this didn’t begin on October 7” to avoid confrontation with the anti‑Zionist machinery that dominates the “pro‑Palestine” space and to not be called “Zionists” or “traitors” by other members of the community. With diaspora communities paralyzed, universities compromised, and basic civic norms eroded, national‑level responses are now essential. Support for Hamas remains strong three years after October 7 and is growing more entrenched. Think ahead five or ten years: persistent economic strain, deeper ideological radicalization, and expanding networks of Islamist and far‑left extremism. What happens when those marching for Hamas begin entering governments, militaries, financial institutions, and other levers of power? What happens when already‑radicalized youth, with no off‑ramps, continue believing the West, Jews, and Zionists are their mortal enemies? Even if a tiny fraction – less than one‑tenth of one percent – turn to violence, the resulting instability could eclipse that of ISIS and al-Qaeda combined. A coordinated national strategy is overdue – not to suppress legitimate debate on Israel and Palestine, but to draw firm boundaries and stop tolerating the intolerable. This video shows just a small sample of pro-Hamas rallies in major US and European cities two days ago, on October 7.