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A Letter to America, From a Frenchman Who Loves You Yesterday, the Prime Minister of Poland posted this: "Restoring the rule of law is our duty. After years of PiS-led lawlessness, this is a difficult process, sometimes painful, and it requires decisive action. There is no other way." Read it slowly. "There is no other way." In today's Europe, that is the sentence a government says right before doing something it could not do through the normal rules. I'm French. I'm the grandson of a farmer from Brittany. I taught myself to code at twelve, spent a year in Silicon Valley when I was young, and today I build a tech company between Paris and San Francisco. I'm writing to you because I watch what is happening to my continent, and I'm afraid you are about to take the same road. Let me tell you what "rule of law" means in Europe now. When Donald Tusk came to power in December 2023, one of his first moves was to take over Poland's public broadcaster. Rather than pass a media law the president would veto, his government used corporate law to replace its leadership, and the state news channel briefly went dark. When that was blocked, it put public TV into liquidation. When the Constitutional Tribunal ruled against the government, the government stopped recognizing its rulings. Tusk himself said openly that restoring the rule of law would sometimes require decisions that would not fully meet the criteria of legality. And Brussels? For years, the European Commission froze billions in EU funds to Poland over "rule of law" concerns under the previous conservative government. Once Tusk was in, it unfroze the money and closed its proceedings. That's the lesson. In Europe, the rule of law is no longer a principle. It is a label. When a conservative government reshapes the courts, it's an assault on democracy. When a pro-Brussels government ignores a court, it's "restoring the rule of law." It isn't only Poland. In Romania in December 2024, the Constitutional Court annulled the first round of a presidential election after the wrong candidate came first. In France, a TV channel, C8, lost its broadcasting license in 2025, and this week a member of parliament declared that shutting down CNEWS, the most-watched news channel in the country, is "a priority." In Germany, domestic intelligence labeled the main opposition party extremist. In Brussels, the Digital Services Act gives unelected commissioners the power to fine platforms up to 6% of global revenue, and its first fine ever went to X, with more investigations into "disinformation" still open. There are no gulags here. Let me be precise about that. But there is a reflex: an elite that knows better than the people, that decides what the people are allowed to read, and that corrects their vote when it comes out wrong. Now let me tell you why you are the first power on earth. It's not oil. It's not size. It's not luck. Europe has had all of those. You are number one because you built your entire system on a radical idea: the individual comes before the state. Your First Amendment doesn't say "speech shall be protected unless it's disinformation." It says Congress shall make no law. Your Constitution protects private property against the government that wrote it. And your culture lets people fail and try again. In France, a founder who fails carries it for life. In America, a founder who fails is called experienced. In Europe, we passed a law to regulate artificial intelligence before we had an AI industry. You built the industry. That's not an accident. That's what happens when a society trusts its citizens more than its bureaucrats. Your system is not perfect. Your politics are loud, ugly and polarized, and I see it. But it is fairer than ours, because it was designed by people who distrusted power, including the power of good intentions. That distrust is the most valuable thing you own. So here is what worries me as I watch you vote on Tuesday. From Paris, when I look at the Democratic side, I recognize the European reflex. I saw an administration lean on social media platforms to take down posts; Mark Zuckerberg later wrote to Congress that the government had repeatedly pressured Meta to censor content and that he regretted not pushing back. I saw a proposal to tax unrealized gains, meaning taxing wealth you haven't even sold. I hear calls to end the filibuster, add seats to the Supreme Court, and add new states to the Senate. Each one can be defended on its own. Together, they look like what Europe did: when you can't win under the rules, you change the referee. And a majority that rewrites the rules in its favor doesn't plan on being a minority again. The twentieth century already ran the collectivist experiment, and it ran it to the end. Every time a state decided that individuals were a means to a collective goal, and that some category of people stood in the way of justice, it ended in camps and mass graves. Tens of millions dead. But it never started with camps. It started with good intentions, a moral elite, and a list of things that were too dangerous to say, too much to own, too misinformed to count. I'm not telling you Democratic voters are Bolsheviks. Most of them are your neighbors and they want good things. I'm telling you the reflex is real, that I live under it every day, and that you are the last big country on earth built to resist it. When Europeans want to build something, we look at you. When we leave, we go to you. If you become us, there is nowhere left to go. Keep your First Amendment. Keep your property. Keep your right to fail. Vote on Tuesday. From Paris, with love, and with fear.

What just happened in Poland is something every Western citizen should look at squarely. Because it's the trailer for what's coming to the rest of us. Friday night in Warsaw, the president of the Constitutional Tribunal and his vice-president were "suspended" for a month. The announcement appeared on the Tribunal's own website, which the Tribunal's leadership says was unlawfully taken over. Right after, riot police deployed around the country's highest court and entered the building. The President of the Republic, Karol Nawrocki, was mid-flight to Senegal. He turned the plane around. Read that again, slowly. In a European Union member state, in 2026, police walk into the constitutional court and the head of state has to rush home. This is not an accident. It's the endpoint of a method. December 2023: barely in office, the Tusk government cuts the signal of the public news channel and puts public television into liquidation. Then it stops publishing the Constitutional Tribunal's rulings in the official gazette. When the Tribunal suspends one of its reforms, a ministry calmly replies that the court has "no legal basis" to operate. The justice minister moves to strip the court president's immunity. And when none of that is enough, they send in the uniforms. The official story is "we are restoring the rule of law." It's always the official story. Nobody has ever dismantled a democracy while announcing they were dismantling a democracy. Now zoom out. Why now? Because the globalist project is losing its grip. They lost the media war: people get their information elsewhere, compare, verify, and no longer trust the official line. They lost the trust of the people. And the countries that are bouncing back, the ones finding their energy, their birth rates, their pride again, are precisely the ones that understood that the Brussels machine, as it runs today, is not the cure but the disease. Poles elected Nawrocki against the system's candidate. The message was clear. When a system loses trust, it has two options: reform or harden. They chose. All-in. Think of an organ transplant. The body rejects the organ. The surgeon doesn't conclude the organ is incompatible. He raises the immunosuppressants. Then raises them again. Until the body can no longer defend itself at all. That's the mechanism now in motion: platform regulation in the name of fighting "disinformation," Chat Control that keeps coming back to the table, the digital euro, a presidential election annulled in Romania in 2024, and now police inside a constitutional court. And this is where history should chill us. No totalitarian regime of the 20th century began with people who thought they were evil. They all began with elites convinced they were right against their own people, and ready to suspend the rules "temporarily" to save the people from themselves. We know how that ended. Millions dead. I'm not saying it's tomorrow. I'm saying it's the slope, and you don't climb back up a slope once you've started sliding. And don't think this stops at the Vistula. The tools are European, which means they're already in France, in Germany, everywhere. What's being tested in Warsaw is the answer to one simple question: how far can you go against an institution that gets in your way before anyone pushes back? If the answer is "very far," France in 2027 has been warned. And every Western democracy should be taking notes. So they have to be stopped now. Not with violence. With what still works as long as we use it: the vote, free speech, refusing to self-censor, and demanding that our judges, our media, and our elections stay independent from ALL powers, including the ones claiming to protect us. This is the moment it's decided. Once the hard phase begins, it's already too late. Watch Poland. And open your eyes.

Let's be clear: Christianity built Western civilization. Not as a vague cultural backdrop. As the actual engine. It all comes down to one sentence: "You shall know the truth, and the truth shall set you free." Think about what that implies. Truth exists. Truth is one. Truth is knowable. And seeking it isn't rebellion against God. It's worship. "In the beginning was the Logos." Reason. If the universe was created by a rational mind, then the universe is rational. It follows laws. And those laws can be discovered. Most civilizations never made that leap. Nature was a battlefield of capricious gods to appease, or an eternal cycle going nowhere, or an illusion to escape. Why would you study the laws of something you don't believe has laws? Christians believed otherwise. So monks preserved ancient knowledge for a thousand years. The Church gave birth to the university. The Benedictines said "pray and work," turned labor into something sacred, and spread water mills across Europe. Monasteries built some of the first mechanical clocks. Then came the scientists. Copernicus was a church canon. Kepler said he was thinking God's thoughts after Him. Newton wrote more about theology than physics. Mendel was a friar. Lemaître, the father of the Big Bang theory, was a Catholic priest. They weren't scientists despite their faith. They were scientists because of it. Add two more ideas. Time is linear: history has a beginning and is going somewhere, so progress becomes thinkable. And every human is made in the image of God: individual dignity, individual conscience, the worth of the craftsman and the worker. Put it all together. An intelligible universe. A sacred duty to seek truth. The belief that tomorrow can be better than today. The dignity of work and of every single person. That's the recipe. Science, then technology, then the Industrial Revolution. It happened in Christian Europe. Not by accident. We are still living off the interest of that capital. The real question is what happens when we stop believing in the things that produced it.

Beaucoup de débat sur ma vidéo sur Hitler. Je ne recule pas. Je vais expliquer d'où je parle. Pour moi, la couche zéro de toute idéologie, c'est l'économie. Pas les discours, pas les drapeaux, pas les uniformes. La question de base est toujours la même : qui décide de ce qui est produit, à quel prix, par qui, et qui garde le fruit du travail ? Il n'y a que deux grandes réponses. Le capitalisme : la propriété est privée, les prix émergent de millions d'échanges libres, chacun décide quoi produire, quoi acheter, où investir. Personne ne pilote l'ensemble. L'ordre émerge d'en bas. Le collectivisme : un pouvoir central décide à la place des individus au nom d'un intérêt supérieur. La classe chez Marx, la nation chez d'autres, la planète aujourd'hui. Le mot change, la mécanique reste : l'individu est subordonné au collectif, et l'État décide de ce qui est "utile". Maintenant, regardez ce qu'a fait Hitler. Pas ce qu'il disait de lui-même, ce qu'il a fait. Son parti s'appelle le Parti national-socialiste des travailleurs allemands. Son programme de 1920 réclame la suppression des revenus obtenus sans travail, la nationalisation des trusts, la participation aux bénéfices des grandes entreprises, l'expropriation de terres sans indemnité pour l'utilité commune. Et un principe qui résume tout : l'intérêt général avant l'intérêt particulier. Une fois au pouvoir : En 1933, les syndicats libres sont dissous et remplacés par le Front allemand du travail, un organisme du parti qui encadre ouvriers ET patrons. La même année, l'État s'arroge le droit de forcer les entreprises à se regrouper en cartels. Toute l'agriculture passe sous le Reichsnährstand, qui fixe prix, quotas et circuits de vente. La loi sur les fermes héréditaires interdit à des centaines de milliers de paysans de vendre ou d'hypothéquer leur propre terre. En 1934, le "Nouveau Plan" de Schacht impose le contrôle des changes : il faut une autorisation pour importer. Les dividendes sont plafonnés, l'excédent part en emprunts d'État. En 1935, le livret de travail devient obligatoire. L'État sait où vous travaillez et peut vous empêcher d'en changer. En 1936, Hitler confie à Göring le Plan de quatre ans, avec un objectif explicite : une économie prête pour la guerre en quatre ans. Le 26 novembre 1936, le commissaire aux prix interdit toute hausse de prix sans autorisation. Le mécanisme des prix, le cœur même du marché, est éteint par décret. En 1937, les industriels de la Ruhr refusent d'investir dans un minerai de fer non rentable. Réponse de l'État : il crée sa propre aciérie géante, les Reichswerke Hermann Göring. En 1938, l'État peut réquisitionner un travailleur et l'affecter à un poste. Et pour ceux qui disent non ? Hugo Junkers, pionnier de l'aviation, refuse de se plier. On le force à céder son entreprise, il finit en résidence surveillée. Le message envoyé à tous les autres patrons est limpide. Alors oui, les usines avaient encore un propriétaire sur le papier. Mais quand vous ne fixez ni vos prix, ni vos salaires, ni vos investissements, ni vos importations, ni vos dividendes, et que l'État peut vous prendre votre boîte si vous refusez, vous n'êtes pas propriétaire. Vous êtes gérant pour le compte de l'État. Mises appelait ça le socialisme de modèle allemand : on garde l'étiquette de la propriété privée, on retire tout ce qui en fait une propriété. Maintenant, le "oui mais les historiens disent que le nazisme, c'est l'extrême droite". Deux choses. D'abord, historiens et économistes ne mesurent pas la même chose. Le clivage gauche-droite vient de la place des députés dans l'Assemblée de 1789. Les historiens classent le nazisme à l'extrême droite sur le nationalisme, le racisme, l'anticommunisme, l'alliance avec une partie des élites. Sur ces points, ils ont raison. Moi, je pose une autre question : qui contrôle l'économie ? Et la réponse, c'est l'État, pas le marché. Les deux constats ne s'excluent pas. Hayek l'écrivait déjà en 1944, dans un chapitre intitulé "Les racines socialistes du nazisme". Ensuite, un diplôme n'est pas un argument. Le manuel d'économie le plus influent du XXe siècle, celui de Paul Samuelson, prix Nobel, a annoncé pendant des décennies que le PIB soviétique allait rattraper celui des États-Unis. Dans l'édition de 1989, il présentait encore l'économie soviétique comme la preuve qu'une économie planifiée peut fonctionner, et même prospérer. Deux ans avant l'effondrement de l'URSS. Des générations d'économistes diplômés ont appris ça. Les titres n'immunisent pas contre les biais idéologiques. Lisez les décrets, regardez les dates, faites-vous votre propre avis. Au fond, il y a deux visions du monde. La première : la liberté, la propriété, la création de valeur. Des individus qui essaient, échouent, recommencent, échangent, et un ordre qui émerge sans que personne ne l'ait dessiné. La seconde : la planification. Quelqu'un, quelque part, sait mieux que vous ce que vous devez produire, consommer, gagner, au nom d'un objectif supérieur. Plan quinquennal soviétique, Plan de quatre ans nazi. Rouge ou brun, la mécanique est la même. Seul change le collectif qu'on invoque : la classe ou la race. Je ne dis pas que chaque plan mène au pire. Je dis que chaque plan part de la même idée : que vos choix comptent moins que l'objectif de celui qui planifie. Alors la prochaine fois que vous entendez quelqu'un parler de "plan", qu'il soit industriel, national ou écologique, posez-vous une seule question : qui décide à ma place, et qu'est-ce qu'on va me retirer pour que le plan tienne ?

Trump won. Electoral College, popular vote, Congress. Clean sweep. And yet, almost two years later, he's still under attack every single day. Courts, newsrooms, universities, Hollywood, NGOs. People keep asking me: how is that possible? He won. Doesn't winning mean you govern? No. Winning an election gets you the government. It doesn't get you the country. Gramsci understood this a century ago. Real power isn't in the Oval Office. It's in the institutions that manufacture "common sense": schools, universities, courts, media, culture. The left spent 60 years taking them, one trench at a time. A faculty lounge. A newsroom. A bar association. A grant committee. A casting office. So when a president walks in with a mandate from 77 million voters, the system does what any organism does with a foreign body. It rejects it. Judges block. Newsrooms spin. Universities sign open letters. Actors give speeches at award shows. Not because of some secret conspiracy. Because they all went to the same schools, read the same papers, applauded the same things. Same software, running on thousands of machines. That's inertia. And inertia is powerful. But it's not eternal. Look at what's happening. The money is moving. Elon bought Twitter and broke the information monopoly. This month, he reportedly put around $1 billion into Skydance, the giant born from Paramount's $111B takeover of Warner Bros. Discovery. CBS, Warner Bros, HBO, now with Larry Ellison and Elon Musk behind them. Ten years ago, that was unthinkable. Today it's a press release. The trenches are being retaken. One by one. Exactly the way they were lost. Now France. We're a decade behind, and the disease is worse. Here the State doesn't just influence culture. It funds it. Cinema, theater, music, publishing, associations, all on public life support. When the subsidies get cut, and they will because the country is broke, something brutal is going to happen. We'll have to sit down with an entire generation of artists and tell them the truth. You were puppets in a system you never understood. You thought you were rebels. You were civil servants. The applause, the grants, the certainty of being on the right side of history: the whole world you lived in was built on a lie. And you were the first ones lied to. Same for the Éducation nationale. Inspect it. Say it clearly: teaching Marxism as moral truth to 15-year-olds is not OK. Then send teachers to do internships in real companies. Let them see a payroll. A cash crunch. A client who doesn't pay. Then let them teach economics. Not to humiliate anyone. Most of these people are sincere. That's the tragedy. They're not evil. They were formatted. But someone has to tell them. And when the drip gets unplugged, the people who can explain how wealth is actually created will write the next common sense. Gramsci wrote the playbook. We're just running it in reverse.