Alejandro Acercandro

A Letter to America, From a Frenchman Who Loves You Yesterday, the Prime Minister of Poland posted this: "Restoring the rule of law is our duty. After years of PiS-led lawlessness, this is a difficult process, sometimes painful, and it requires decisive action. There is no other way." Read it slowly. "There is no other way." In today's Europe, that is the sentence a government says right before doing something it could not do through the normal rules. I'm French. I'm the grandson of a farmer from Brittany. I taught myself to code at twelve, spent a year in Silicon Valley when I was young, and today I build a tech company between Paris and San Francisco. I'm writing to you because I watch what is happening to my continent, and I'm afraid you are about to take the same road. Let me tell you what "rule of law" means in Europe now. When Donald Tusk came to power in December 2023, one of his first moves was to take over Poland's public broadcaster. Rather than pass a media law the president would veto, his government used corporate law to replace its leadership, and the state news channel briefly went dark. When that was blocked, it put public TV into liquidation. When the Constitutional Tribunal ruled against the government, the government stopped recognizing its rulings. Tusk himself said openly that restoring the rule of law would sometimes require decisions that would not fully meet the criteria of legality. And Brussels? For years, the European Commission froze billions in EU funds to Poland over "rule of law" concerns under the previous conservative government. Once Tusk was in, it unfroze the money and closed its proceedings. That's the lesson. In Europe, the rule of law is no longer a principle. It is a label. When a conservative government reshapes the courts, it's an assault on democracy. When a pro-Brussels government ignores a court, it's "restoring the rule of law." It isn't only Poland. In Romania in December 2024, the Constitutional Court annulled the first round of a presidential election after the wrong candidate came first. In France, a TV channel, C8, lost its broadcasting license in 2025, and this week a member of parliament declared that shutting down CNEWS, the most-watched news channel in the country, is "a priority." In Germany, domestic intelligence labeled the main opposition party extremist. In Brussels, the Digital Services Act gives unelected commissioners the power to fine platforms up to 6% of global revenue, and its first fine ever went to X, with more investigations into "disinformation" still open. There are no gulags here. Let me be precise about that. But there is a reflex: an elite that knows better than the people, that decides what the people are allowed to read, and that corrects their vote when it comes out wrong. Now let me tell you why you are the first power on earth. It's not oil. It's not size. It's not luck. Europe has had all of those. You are number one because you built your entire system on a radical idea: the individual comes before the state. Your First Amendment doesn't say "speech shall be protected unless it's disinformation." It says Congress shall make no law. Your Constitution protects private property against the government that wrote it. And your culture lets people fail and try again. In France, a founder who fails carries it for life. In America, a founder who fails is called experienced. In Europe, we passed a law to regulate artificial intelligence before we had an AI industry. You built the industry. That's not an accident. That's what happens when a society trusts its citizens more than its bureaucrats. Your system is not perfect. Your politics are loud, ugly and polarized, and I see it. But it is fairer than ours, because it was designed by people who distrusted power, including the power of good intentions. That distrust is the most valuable thing you own. So here is what worries me as I watch you vote on Tuesday. From Paris, when I look at the Democratic side, I recognize the European reflex. I saw an administration lean on social media platforms to take down posts; Mark Zuckerberg later wrote to Congress that the government had repeatedly pressured Meta to censor content and that he regretted not pushing back. I saw a proposal to tax unrealized gains, meaning taxing wealth you haven't even sold. I hear calls to end the filibuster, add seats to the Supreme Court, and add new states to the Senate. Each one can be defended on its own. Together, they look like what Europe did: when you can't win under the rules, you change the referee. And a majority that rewrites the rules in its favor doesn't plan on being a minority again. The twentieth century already ran the collectivist experiment, and it ran it to the end. Every time a state decided that individuals were a means to a collective goal, and that some category of people stood in the way of justice, it ended in camps and mass graves. Tens of millions dead. But it never started with camps. It started with good intentions, a moral elite, and a list of things that were too dangerous to say, too much to own, too misinformed to count. I'm not telling you Democratic voters are Bolsheviks. Most of them are your neighbors and they want good things. I'm telling you the reflex is real, that I live under it every day, and that you are the last big country on earth built to resist it. When Europeans want to build something, we look at you. When we leave, we go to you. If you become us, there is nowhere left to go. Keep your First Amendment. Keep your property. Keep your right to fail. Vote on Tuesday. From Paris, with love, and with fear.

Je parle souvent de Gramsci. On me demande régulièrement pourquoi un patron de boîte d'IA cite un communiste italien mort en 1937. Réponse simple : parce que c'est le type qui a écrit le mode d'emploi du monde dans lequel vous vivez. Gramsci, en prison sous Mussolini, a compris un truc que Marx avait raté. Le pouvoir ne tient pas par la force. Il tient par le consentement. Et le consentement se fabrique dans les institutions : l'école, l'université, les médias, la culture. Il appelait ça l'hégémonie. Le pouvoir le plus efficace est celui qu'on ne voit pas. Quand tes idées deviennent le "sens commun", tu n'as plus besoin de convaincre personne. Les gens pensent comme toi en croyant penser par eux-mêmes. La méthode s'appelle la guerre de position. Pas de révolution, pas de barricades. On prend les tranchées une par une. Une salle des profs, une rédaction, un ministère, une subvention, une asso. Et franchement, chapeau. Ça a tellement bien marché que plus personne ne voit que c'était un plan. Ça ressemble juste à "la normalité". Résultat : on a fabriqué des armées entières de gens déconnectés du réel. Des journalistes qui n'ont jamais signé une fiche de paie de l'autre côté. Une partie de la jeunesse qui sait tout de l'oppression systémique et rien de la façon dont se crée une richesse. Des militants qui confondent indignation et compétence. Personne ne leur a appris ce qu'est la création de valeur. On leur a appris à la redistribuer. À la taxer. À la soupçonner. En France, c'est encore plus visible. L'État est en phase de cancer généralisé. Et un cancer nourrit ses propres cellules. Subventions, postes, comités, observatoires : la machine publique est devenue un système de perfusion pour les idées qui la maintiennent en vie. Sauf qu'un organisme sous perfusion finit par perdre le contact avec l'extérieur. C'est exactement ce qu'on observe : des erreurs de communication de plus en plus crasses. Des sorties hors-sol. Des campagnes qui se retournent contre eux en 48h. Je vous fais une prédiction. Dans les mois qui viennent, vous allez les voir de plus en plus agressifs. Pas parce qu'ils sont méchants. Parce qu'ils ne comprennent pas ce qui leur arrive. Ils sont sincèrement convaincus d'être dans le camp du bien. Toute leur vie, leur discours a été le sens commun. Applaudi à l'école, validé à la fac, récompensé en rédaction. Et d'un coup, ça n'imprime plus. Le réel répond. Les gens décrochent. Quand on est persuadé d'avoir raison et que le monde arrête de vous écouter, il reste deux options : se remettre en question ou crier plus fort. Devinez laquelle est la plus confortable. Mais voilà ce que personne ne dit. Quand leur monde va s'effondrer, quand la perfusion va être débranchée, il va y avoir un boulevard. Pas pour les humilier. Pour leur dire la vérité : on vous a menti depuis l'enfance. Ce n'est pas votre faute. Et ça va aller. On va vous apprendre ce qu'est la création de valeur. Ce qu'est le bon sens. Comment un pays s'enrichit, comment une boîte se construit, comment on remet un cerveau sur les rails. Gramsci avait raison sur un point : tout se joue sur le sens commun. Il a juste oublié un détail. Le bon sens, lui, n'a jamais eu besoin de subventions.

Le Monde me range dans l'« extrême droite » et le « narratif xénophobe ». Ça me rappelle la réponse d'Elon Musk quand on lui a reproché de soutenir l'extrême droite. Une phrase, et tout était dit : « Je soutiens les gens normaux. » C'est exactement ça. Je ne soutiens pas l'extrême droite (qui n'existe pas). Je soutiens les gens normaux. Les gens qui veulent simplement vivre en paix. Les gens qui ne veulent pas voir leur culture dissoute par une immigration de masse que personne ne contrôle. Les gens qui veulent tenir un commerce sans se faire piller. Les gens qui veulent sortir dans la rue sans se faire planter. Les gens qui veulent prendre le RER le soir sans calculer leur trajet. Les gens qui veulent que leurs enfants aillent à l'école sans avoir peur. Les gens qui veulent qu'un délinquant soit puni, quelle que soit son origine. Les gens qui se lèvent tôt, paient leurs impôts et ne voient plus très bien ce qu'ils reçoivent en échange. Les gens qui veulent que la police puisse faire son travail. Les gens qui veulent qu'une mairie reste une mairie, pas un brasier. Les gens qui aiment la France, d'où qu'ils viennent. Les gens qui veulent pouvoir dire tout ça sans être traités de fascistes dans un quotidien national. Ces gens-là ne sont pas une marge. C'est la majorité du pays. Si Le Monde appelle ça l'extrême droite, c'est que Le Monde ne sait plus à qui il parle. Petit message aux journaux de gauche. Il reste déjà très peu de Français qui vous font confiance. En attaquant des gens comme moi, qui ne font que le travail que vous avez arrêté de faire, regarder le réel et le décrire, vous ne nous décrédibilisez pas. Vous vous décrédibilisez vous-mêmes. Chaque article de ce genre me ramène des milliers d'abonnés et vous en coûte quelques-uns de plus.

Paris on October 17. Rome, Milan, Turin, Bologna and Florence tonight. The same name, "October 17," on both sides of the Alps. The same script: crowds of young people, groups breaking off from the march, attempts to force police lines, shop windows and train stations attacked. This didn't come out of nowhere. In Italy, the alleged organizer of the "October 17 Movement" was just arrested in Milan and placed under investigation. In Rome, dozens of young people were detained with balaclavas, gloves and masks in their bags. Messaging groups were circulating a guide on how to break through police lines. Nearly 5,000 people identified and 371 detained in a single day. You don't show up to a cost-of-living protest with a balaclava by accident. So let's ask the question nobody wants to ask: who organizes, who coordinates, who funds? Here's what we already know, and it's public: several French organizations orbiting these protests have been funded by George Soros's Open Society. The Ligue des droits de l'Homme received around $380,000 in 2016 and 2017. FIDH, Attac and 350.org have listed Open Society among their backers. Does that prove Soros is paying the rioters? No. And I won't say it until someone proves it. But it does show one thing: part of the activist ecosystem setting the tone lives off money from foreign billionaire foundations. That's not a conspiracy theory. It's written in their annual reports. What I'm asking for is simple. Full transparency: every organization calling people into the streets publishes the list of its funders. Zero public money for groups that excuse violence. And if Italy is investigating who organizes these movements, France should too. Because behind the streets, there's a much bigger battle. On one side, a vision where foundations, NGOs and unelected institutions decide on behalf of the people what they're allowed to think, say and vote for. On the other, builders who believe in free speech, in production, in conquest. Soros and Musk embody these two camps. One funds narratives. The other builds rockets, cars, satellites, and a platform where you can still say what you think. The first camp had decades, billions and every institution on its side. And it's losing. You'd have to be pretty blind to bet against that. Never bet against Elon Musk.