
Int Trade Specialist, Ex-Trade Diplomat, BA Hon Econ @KeeleUniversity UK 1995, MBA 2002, Masters@GVAGrad Geneva 2011 #economy #trade #society #public_interest
Muscat, Oman
Joined January 2009
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Replying to @mohamedfiraq @shizna_shiz
STO sank roughly MVR 115 million into an unfinished City Hotel in Hulhumalé Phase 1. Construction started around 2011–2012 after earlier Carlson/Radisson plans, then stalled for over a decade with zero revenue while shareholders repeatedly raised the issue at AGMs. By 2025 the structure was valued at USD 20 million (about MVR 308 million) in a settlement with HDC. STO transferred the Phase 1 site to HDC and received a Hulhumalé Phase 2 land plot (reports indicate around 40,000 sq ft) in return; the financial effects were to appear in STO’s 2025 statements.
HDC then agreed with World of Business Pvt Ltd to complete and operate the property as the 162-room Manhattan Grand Hotel (opened 7 November 2026), alongside floors for a media village, medical college, heritage facilities and youth centre. World of Business was registered in February 2025. Local shareholders and directors include Ibrahim Naeem (managing director) and related parties; UAE-based Deep Seafood FZCO later took a 50% stake. May/August 2025 reports stated HDC “will receive” or “is set to receive” USD 11 million as property/land value plus annual rent (roughly USD 935,000 or MVR 14.4 million). No public confirmation shows the USD 11 million was paid in cash rather than as deferred rent, equity or another arrangement. The company was also to cover certain utilities and maintenance for the government facilities as CSR.
This sequence differs from earlier delayed construction or cost overruns. It combines three elements that reduce visibility:
First, an inter-SOE land swap converts sunk construction cost into a Phase 2 land allocation whose market value and development potential are not fully disclosed alongside the USD 20 million headline. The unfinished Phase 1 building then passes to a private operator at a lower stated USD 11 million figure. Net public cash or asset inflow from the private party is therefore not independently verifiable from open sources.
Second, the operator is a company formed months before the agreements, with no prior track record on a project of this scale and no published competitive tender, open EOI evaluation or comparative bids. Earlier STO attempts to sell or complete the hotel failed; the award went to an entity created for the purpose. Without tender documents, bid evaluations or independent valuation reports, the pricing (USD 11 million against a USD 20 million inter-SOE valuation, plus rent) cannot be assessed against market alternatives.
Third, fifteen years of zero revenue from the original asset are not offset by clear, audited public reporting of cash or equivalent received by HDC. Annual rent and future tax estimates (one report cites roughly USD 2.5 million in annual tax) are projected, but the core capital payment remains unconfirmed. Government facilities occupy part of the building, with the private party covering certain costs, which blurs the boundary between commercial recovery and public subsidy.
The result is an asset chain linking public construction capital, Phase 2 public land and a newly formed private vehicle through incomplete disclosure. Older SOE problems often involved cost overruns or failed tenders that could still be audited against existing contracts. Here the combination of a land-for-asset settlement, a non-competitive award to a fresh company and the absence of verified capital inflow creates a structure where the public’s residual claim is harder to quantify and contest. Praising physical completion without demanding the missing payment records, tender papers and full valuation chain treats opacity as an acceptable feature of “getting the project done.” That normalises a higher-threshold form of asset disposal in which land and long-idle public capital move with limited independent scrutiny.
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BREAKING: Johnson & Johnson has agreed to a $5.5bn settlement to resolve tens of thousands of lawsuits alleging its baby powder and other talc products caused cancer.
🔴 More on Aljazeera.com
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މިރޭގެ 3 ރައީސުންގެ ބައްދަލުވުމަށް ފަހު އަޅުގަނޑުވެސް މި ރައީސުންނާއި ބެހޭގޮތުން ދައްކާލަން ލައްކަ ގިނަ ވާހަކަ އެބަހުރި !!!
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Once, someone asked the 🛒#Lulu Group Chairman the secret behind his success.
Yusuff Ali said: I don't wear diamond 💎 watches⌚, but my staff does.
There is a lot to learn from these simple lines. 💖 💖 💖 💖
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70-year-old man from Saudi Arabia married a 20-year-old woman, presenting her with a Rolls-Royce and five kilograms of gold
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“And they planned, and Allah planned. And Allah is the best of planners.” [Aal-Imran 3:54]
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🚨 Russian Foreign Minister fires back
Negotiation isn’t about pressure
Trump needs to learn diplomacy, not domination.
You don’t force deals you build them.
Dictating terms isn’t leadership, it’s arrogance.
- Talks require respect, not threats
- Dialogue over demands
- The world sees the difference
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"Show me a man that gets rich by being a politician, and I'll show you a crook."
—Harry S. Truman
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🚨 Who really owns the Chagos Archipelago?
In 1965, the UK detached Chagos from Mauritius, ignoring centuries of Maldivian ties and 16th-century royal records. Colonial paperwork handed it to Mauritius, but history cannot be erased.
Maldivian leaders like @MohamedNasheed and President @MMuizzu agree: the rightful claim belongs to the Maldives.
Even @Nigel_Farage said it plainly: “If anybody has the right to the sovereignty of those islands, it is the Maldives and not Mauritius.”
Truth and history endure beyond colonial papers.
#DiegoGarcia
🚨 BREAKING: UK blocks U.S. from using Diego Garcia for strikes on Iran. The island is part of the Chagos Archipelago, which President @MMuizzu and @MohamedNasheed claims as Maldives territory.
Chagos lies 310 miles south of Maldives has
🔹900-year-old Dhivehi gravestones,
🔹a 16th-century royal link, and
🔹 historical Maldivian ties.
Will the U.S. support Maldives’ claim?
Muizzu hints he may allow US military operations from territory Maldives claims. @realDonaldTrump this could reshape Indian Ocean geopolitics.
#Geopolitics #IranCrisis
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There is no more reliable partner for the United States in the Indian Ocean than the Maldives.
For decades, Maldivians have understood that stability in our waters underpins stability across the region. The U.S. security presence has been widely recognized here as a guarantor of maritime security, freedom of navigation, and deterrence against destabilizing actors. That alignment is not transactional. It is strategic.
The Maldives is a natural ally of the United States and the broader Five Eyes security community in the Indian Ocean. We share an interest in lawful order at sea, counter-terrorism cooperation, and safeguarding critical maritime routes that power the global economy.
But alliances must also rest on principle.
If the United States stands firmly for the rule of law and the integrity of the UN system, then it is fair to ask why Washington remains silent on the unresolved question of Maldivian sovereignty over Chagos. Equally, why has there been no serious review of the 1946 non-listing issue, when the Maldives was omitted from the UN decolonization reporting framework under Article 73(e) of the UN Charter?
Security and legality are not competing values. They reinforce one another.
A durable partnership in the Indian Ocean should not avoid difficult legal questions. It should lead in addressing them.































