Robert Pearson (@robert19pearson) header
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the government doesn't borrow our savings in order to run a deficit, it runs a deficit so that we can have savings

Surrey, UK
Joined August 2013
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Robert Pearson retweeted
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Just remember: 1. Spending creates income. 2. Loans create deposits. 3. Taxes do not fund spending. 4. Government deficits create non-government financial surpluses. 5. Real resources, not money, constrain sovereign government spending.
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If you add a 0 to the end of everyones money (cash/debts), then prices will increase roughly 10x. If you double everyones money (cash/debt), prices will increase roughly 2x if you increase everyones cash/debt by 4%, prices will.... Interest rates just change the scale.
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Robert Pearson retweeted
Replying to @PatriciaNPino
It will add a small amount to UK deficit spending/aggregate demand/etc. and push up forward prices a bit as well.
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Loved this joke: Just imagine, Soros, with his relatively modest fortune, somehow controls the entire world, orchestrates revolutions, and is behind every single political event. Meanwhile, Musk, with his trillion-dollar fortune, couldn’t even get a Republican elected in Texas. HOW DOES THAT WORK?
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My presentation "Chartalism and Money Theory: State and Beyond." Main point: Charta means token not state + old historical roots + has methodological and practical implications for the analysis and set up of monetary systems. youtube.com/watch?v=9y8r5CIb…
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Robert Pearson retweeted
On TARGET2 The fan club of the ever-hysterical Robin Brooks is coming after me. So let’s use a simple example to explain what TARGET2 actually is and how its balances arise. Suppose an Italian buyer pays €100 to a German seller. The payment goes through, but the Bank of Italy ends up with a €100 liability to the ECB. Sounds paradoxical, doesn’t it? But these are two entirely different kinds of obligations. Let's break it down. 1. An Italian transfers €100 to a German. €100 is debited from the Italian buyer's bank account. €100 is credited to the German seller's bank account. The payment is complete. The Italian buyer owes the German seller nothing. Before going further, we need to understand something about modern monetary systems. There are two types of money relevant to this example: Commercial bank deposits: the money households and businesses use to pay for goods and services. Central bank reserves: the money commercial banks hold at their central banks and use to settle payments between themselves. 2. What happens at the central bank level? The Italian commercial bank holds reserves at the Bank of Italy, while the German commercial bank holds reserves at the Bundesbank. When €100 moves from Italy to Germany, the balance sheets of the two central banks change. Here's what happens: BANK OF ITALY 🇮🇹 Reserve liabilities to commercial banks: −€100 TARGET liability to the ECB: +€100 BUNDESBANK 🇩🇪 Reserve liabilities to commercial banks: +€100 TARGET claim on the ECB: +€100 Notice something important. The Bank of Italy has not increased its total liabilities by €100. It has simply replaced one liability with another. Before the payment, it owed €100 in reserves to the Italian commercial bank. After the payment, it owes €100 to the ECB through TARGET. Meanwhile, the Bundesbank has acquired a new €100 liability to the German commercial bank. To balance its books, it simultaneously acquires a €100 financial asset: a claim on the ECB. This is precisely how the ECB and the Bundesbank explain the accounting. 3. Why can't we just transfer the money and forget about it? Because the euro is a single currency, but national central banks maintain separate balance sheets. If Italy and Germany operated under a single central bank with one consolidated balance sheet, this would simply be a transfer of reserves between two commercial banks. But since the Bank of Italy and the Bundesbank have separate balance sheets, an additional accounting entry is needed to record the movement of reserves between them. That's what TARGET does. 4. What if someone in Germany transfers €100 back to Italy tomorrow? Everything happens in reverse. The Bank of Italy's TARGET liability decreases by €100, while the Bundesbank's TARGET claim falls by €100. Assuming no other transactions, both TARGET balances return to their original positions. Here's the key takeaway: TARGET records net settlement flows between national central banks within the Eurosystem. It does not represent unpaid debts of Italian buyers to German sellers, nor does it mean the Italian government has borrowed money from Germany. And this brings us to a much more interesting question: If the Bank of Italy can maintain a negative TARGET balance indefinitely while remaining in the Eurosystem, why would it need to repay it at all? And here's the most fascinating part: Much of the enormous TARGET imbalances accumulated since 2015 were actually driven by the Eurosystem's own asset purchases under the ECB's quantitative easing programs!
Every time I read Brooks’s tweets, I can’t help but facepalm. In a debate about Germany potentially leaving the eurozone, TARGET2 liabilities have somehow magically turned into Italian and Spanish government debt owed to Berlin. But TARGET2 balances are intra-Eurosystem positions between central banks, not loans between governments. Germany leaving the euro would not, in itself, oblige the Italian and Spanish governments to issue sovereign debt to settle those balances.
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Indeed.
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To be clear, MV=PY is an accounting identity when velocity is defined as nominal GDP divided by the money stock. It tells us that MV=PY because V=PY/M. Without additional behavioral assumptions about velocity, real output, and monetary dynamics, the equation has no independent explanatory power regarding the causes of inflation.
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Unfortunately Craig confuses bank capital with assets. Bank capital is not an amount of money banks must have in order to lend, as Craig seems to think. It is the equity cushion a bank must have to protect depositors from losses in the event of insolvency. Banks do not lend out money they already have. They create the money they lend. This increases their leverage, since the money they create is a liability to them, and reduces the equity cushion as a percentage of assets. Bank capital requirements dampen lending by preventing banks running down their equity cushions. Banks obtain funding to settle deposit withdrawals, including loan drawdowns. I too spent many years building banking and financial systems. That's how I know banks don't lend out depositors' money or check reserve levels before lending. And why I know the difference between bank capital with assets.
I spent 35 years building banking systems for banks worldwide, including central banks. I know how banks decide where their money goes. When you build systems, you have to make them work, so you have to know how they work. The Basel Committee de-industrialised the countries that adopted its rules. It's that simple: I explain the whole complicated mechanism in my essay. They simply regulated it away because that was the most profitable thing to do. It was implemented in such a systemic global way, and nobody seemed to notice Capital is what a bank must hold before it can lend, the way a manufacturer or miner must hold supplies before it can sell. No miner doubles their costs to serve one group of customers. But that's what the banking system does to miners and manufacturers. Since 1988, the Basel rules have required banks to hold twice the capital against a factory loan as against a home loan, and under Basel III the gap reaches five times. So banks lend less to industry and more against houses. It should be stopped tomorrow. Manufacturing's share of GDP fell in ten of the eleven countries I examined. In Australia it fell from 13.7% to 5.4%. Every other country that followed fell as well. The only truly crafty ones were the Koreans, who did a good job of offsetting it. Regulators were warned in writing that the rule would steer credit, and they adopted it anyway. No parliament voted for it, and it's simply too dumb to keep doing, but we do . Not today; there is no justification. Yet from India, across Europe, across the US, including Australia, sanctions against industrial capacity. Financialization has gone too far it needs to be reviewed . The charge is manslaughter by gross negligence. The mechanism is proven. Same Rules, Different Ruins:ctindale.substack.com/p/same…
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Robert Pearson retweeted
Replying to @DHughesy
The “national debt” does not have to be paid back. How much is issued as spending and recovered as revenue is entirely up to the govt. Bond holders aren’t creditors. When their bonds mature their treasury debt is just converted into central bank debt.
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Robert Pearson retweeted
Replying to @ShangguanJiewen
Though NO citizen of a sovereign country 'owes' ANY 'govt debt' of course. It's just a record of what govt spent into the economy, not a 'debt' that has to be paid back to anyone.
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Replying to @FT
I don't know which is worse. Is it the idea that you can borrow time, or the idea that the UK government borrows pounds sterling?
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The trouble with not understanding money is that you say stupid things like this.
“The trouble with socialism is that eventually you run out of other people's money.” -Margaret Thatcher
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I knew him in the 70's when trading GNMA's. He was at 1st Boston, I was at Banker's Trust. He never has understood monetary operations.
"... it means we're going to have structurally higher interest rates for longer." BlackRock CEO Fink in today's Q3 call. "For the first time in my career, and that's 50 years of a career, I'm seeing genuine shortages of capital. governments are running historically large deficits while at the same time demand for private capital is rising across the economy. Governments need financing for infrastructure. Companies need to fund a generational AI buildout. Individuals need better ways to invest and retire." "And so the competition for capital is growing between the federal deficits, which are at record levels, and now we're unlocking private capital and demand for capital in the private sector is growing. And all that means is at this moment, it means we're going to have structurally higher interest rates for longer. And especially out the curve. And I think that's going to be with us." Thx @business transcripts. #oott
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The only place it CAN come from. The same place every dollar spent comes from: computer keystrokes that credit the bank accounts of those receiving payments. It is all new money creation.
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Replying to @JStuartMacLean
We agree on more than you'd expect: money is political, always has been. Where we part is the cure. A "free market in money" means a gold or commodity standard, and that isn't freedom. It just hands monetary power to whoever owns the gold. It also makes money artificially scarce, which is what gave us deflation, debt crises and the Depression. Countries recovered in the order they left gold. And money was never a market commodity the state grabbed. It's the other way round. The state's tax demand is what gives the currency its value. No tax liability, no reason to hold the stuff. That's not MMT, it's Knapp and Keynes, a century old. So "free market money" has never existed at scale, because money is a public institution, like the courts that enforce the contracts it settles. You can move the power around. You can't abolish it.
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"Ask most people where the government gets its money and they’ll say tax and borrowing. The Reserve Bank’s own description of the plumbing tells a different story." therebeleconomist.substack.c…
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Every last £ in the hands of the gilt market originated from government spending. In other words the government is not borrowing one single £ from the gilt market when the latter chooses to save its money.
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Replying to @Stsantek
I'd need to see the definition of immense damage. As I said above, every public sector industry that was privatised has vastly improved. Water is a great example of this myth of privatisation damage and it's something I've written about extensively. The whole water narrative came about from private sector investment (due to Tory legislation) in CSO monitoring and near real time data reporting. That monitoring caught something that's always happened and caught it at a time when it had actually greatly reduced. But because there was very little data before 2020ish, certainly nothing directly comparable, it was completely misrepresented. Some facts about what privatisation actually achieved. Drinking water has improved from 99% to 99.96%. Low pressure has dropped from 2% to 0.001%. Unplanned outages have dropped from 0.4% to 0.003%. Leaks have dropped from 4980ml/d to less than 3000. Household metering has gone from zero to 60% leading to drops in consumption. Properties at risk of sewage flooding have dropped from 32,000 to 3000. Bathing water standards have risen from 27% pass rate to 96%. A 3rd of complaints were not answered within 10 days, now it's 0.4% for 5 days. Water pollutants such as BOD, ammonia, and orthophosphates are massively down and at all time lows. These are all sewage indicators. Other pollutants such as cadmium, lead, nickel, copper and zinc tell the same story. On top of all that we outperform the nationalised systems of Wales and Scotland and the NFP system of Wales. All with similar levels of debt per capita. You can, in my belief, tell a similar story about the other industries.
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