Andrew Robinson

Happy to announce that my article on Canada's dialogue with the PLO and Canada's decision  to support the principle of Palestinian self-determination will be appearing soon in the Canadian Foreign Policy Journal. Details to follow.

My first piece for @TheHillTimes is about a letter CIJA and Bnai Brith wrote to the board of the Canadian Museum for Human Rights, making slanderous comments about me in order to try and denigrate the CEO of the museum.

History of the Present host Brian Daitzman sits down with Canada’s former UN Ambassador @BobRae48 on Trump’s “51st state” threats and whether Canada can still trust its closest ally. teapawt.net/i/broadcasts/1MKgNbzEP…

Our government talks about Canadian values on the world stage, but we need it to act with moral clarity when it matters. It’s long past time to cancel the Canada-Israel free trade agreement, issue sanctions, and use every diplomatic tool at our disposal to rein in this rogue state. Anything less is a green light for Israel to continue killing civilians with impunity.

It's critical we keep in mind Israel's continued sonic occupation of Lebanon — and the psychological terror that occupation causes.

Saudi-Israeli Normalization: The Main Obstacle Is Not a New Regional Alignment The current claims that this agreement somehow undermines the prospects for Saudi-Israeli normalization remind me of the reaction in Israel after Saudi Arabia and Iran restored diplomatic relations. At the time, many argued that the Saudi-Iranian rapprochement represented a major setback for normalization with Israel. Yet not long afterward, Israel and Saudi Arabia moved significantly closer to a normalization agreement. There is a broader lesson here. Saudi-Israeli normalization is not primarily being prevented by Saudi Arabia's agreements with other regional powers, nor by the emergence of some imagined Sunni bloc determined to confront or destroy Israel. The central obstacle is much more straightforward: Mohammed bin Salman sees himself as a leader of the Sunni Arab and Muslim world. Whatever his personal level of interest in the Palestinian issue, that position places real constraints on how far he can move toward Israel without meaningful progress on the Palestinian track. Consider a scenario that currently appears highly unlikely. If Israel were tomorrow to embrace Trump's 29-point framework for Gaza and the West Bank and demonstrate a willingness to take substantial steps toward the Palestinians, I believe Riyadh would respond very positively. Saudi Arabia would have strong incentives to reopen a serious normalization dialogue with Israel. That would also have direct implications for another major American strategic objective: advancing the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). A functioning Israeli-Saudi relationship would significantly improve the political environment for moving that project forward. This is not simply theoretical. More than one person who has met with Mohammed bin Salman has come away convinced that he understands the strategic benefits of developing relations with Israel. And the broader regional picture is more complicated than the simplistic notion of an emerging anti-Israel Sunni axis. Turkey itself, despite its extremely confrontational rhetoric toward Israel, continues to maintain diplomatic relations with Israel, including representation in Tel Aviv. For Israeli policymakers, therefore, the more useful question is not whether every new regional agreement represents another threat to normalization. It is what Israel itself can do to change Saudi Arabia's political calculus. If Israel demonstrates a credible willingness to move forward on the Palestinian track, there is every reason to believe that Riyadh would respond positively. That does not guarantee normalization, and important bilateral issues would still have to be resolved. But it would fundamentally change the diplomatic environment. It is politically much easier to attribute the absence of normalization to Iran, Turkey, Pakistan or some emerging regional bloc. But external actors are not the principal constraint. The most important variable remains Israeli policy itself. I know there are voices in Israel that insist on interpreting almost every development in the Middle East as another threat, and as further proof that no one in the region truly wants peace with Israel. It is also the easier conclusion. It allows Israel to explain its diplomatic difficulties entirely through the actions and intentions of others, without asking what responsibility Israeli policy itself bears for the current situation. But not every alliance is an axis dedicated to Israel's destruction, and not every new regional alignment is inherently detrimental to Israeli interests. The Middle East is changing rapidly, and some of these changes may create opportunities as well as risks. Israel would benefit from spending less time searching for new threats in every regional development and more time asking how it can shape those developments to its advantage. I hope the next Israeli government chooses initiative over fear. Israel cannot control every shift in the region, but it can decide whether it merely reacts to those shifts or actively tries to shape the regional order around it. #IranWar‌ #ksa #turkey #normalization

KASPAROV: I would probably bet that in 10 years, hopefully sooner, Russia will not exist in its current borders. People ask me, "Do you want Russia to collapse?" It's not what I want or not. It's going to happen. Collapse of Russian empire will move us to the next stage of the fight for freedom against tyranny. Because behind Russia you have China, which is growing and will be greatest beneficiary of collapse of Russian Empire. But this is not for us to remedy today. Because history clock is about to stop for Russian empire. Question is, how can we manage it? Russia is like a zombie empire. And all attempts to preserve this zombie will lead to more damage and lives lost on our side, on European side, on free world side. But these attempts will also eventually benefit opposite side, world of tyranny, because it will prevent us from turning whatever is left of Russia into part of coalition that will fight for freedom.

Trump's virtual war with Canada isn't really about trade. It's about subordination, which is why Canadians are so fervently resisting. trib.al/Mix10qx

Ontario will need a mix of technologies to meet rapidly growing electricity demand. But every credible pathway to a reliable, affordable and low-carbon grid includes a significant role for nuclear power, writes Bruce Power's Pat Dalzell #onpoli #cdnpoli ipolitics.ca/2026/07/16/crit…

This is the message today? Will you say something - anything - to support the ICC and condemn the wildly outrageous, reckless, and irresponsible threats against it and Canadian judges, by Marco Rubio? The silence is deafening.

What a disgraceful statement. Every donor to UNRWA should firmly and publicly reject this nonsense. But they won’t.

We cannot allow the charge of genocide in Gaza to be obscured by accusations of antisemitism. Antisemitism is hatred of Jewish people; criticism of Israel is criticism of a state with military and political apparatus capable of committing genocide. The two must not be conflated.

We must repeat this tirelessly: either Ukraine wins—and with it, Europe—and russia loses, or the opposite happens. It's a zero-sum game. There's no middle ground in the harsh reality of the facts. Hence, logically, there can be no intermediary strategy. Time to act accordingly.

Canada has led on nuclear for over 80 years — and our very first National Nuclear Strategy will take us further.