Amb Ahmed Isse Awad

Dayacaadda waajibaadkiisa iyo kalitalisnimada Madaxweynihii hore Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud si cad ayay u muuqdaan. Wuxuu jebiyay dhaartii xilka, isagoo boobay awoodaha dhammaan hay'adaha dawladda, oo ay ku jiraan kuwa baarlamaanka iyo garsoorka. Wuxuu isku dayay inuu awoodda meel keliya isugu ururiyo, oo uu Puntland iyo Jubaland, iyo weliba Somaliland, ka saaro hannaanka maamulka dalka. Taasoo wiiqaysaa nidaamka federaalka, khatarna gelinaysaa midnimada shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Sidoo kale wuxuu wax ka beddelay dastuurka si uu ugu adeego hammigiisa indha la'aanta ah ee ah inuu xilka sii hayo muddo-xileedkiisa kaddib. Intaa waxaa dheer, wuxuu colaad ka abuuray oo dagaal ku qaaday Raas Kambooni iyo Baydhabo. Kuwaas oo sababay dhimashada muwaadiniin Soomaaliyeed oo badan. Wuxuu dhiirrigeliyay eexda iyo siyaasadda ku dhisan abaalgudka iyo daba-socodnimada. Taas oo keentay musuqmaasuq aan horay loo arag. Wuxuu dhacay kheyraadka yar ee qaranka. Wuxuuna boobay dhulalka danta guud iyo kuwo gaar loo leeyahay. Xadgudubyadiisu xad ma leh. Wuxuu diiday inuu u hoggaansamo go'aankii Maxkamadda Sare ee xaqiijiyay in muddo-xileedkiisu dhammaaday 15-ka Maajo 2026. Taasoo ka dhigaysaa awood kasta oo uu sheegto taariikhdaas kaddib mid ka hor imanaysa dastuurka oo aan ansax ahayn. Waxaa naxdin leh, balse aan la yaab lahayn, inuu si isdaba-joog ah u jebiyay dhammaan xeerarka diineed iyo kuwa dhaqameed oo dadka Soomaaliyeed ay dhawran jireen. Wuxuu ixtiraam darro u muujiyay doorka hoggaamiyeyaasha dhaqanka Soomaaliyeed ee la qaddariyo, isagoo khatar geliyay nafta Ugaas Cabdirisaaq Ugaas Cabdullaahi Ugaas Faracadde. Wuxuuna si aan xishood lahayn isaga indha-tiray baaqii Ugaas Yuusuf Ugaas Xasan Ugaas Khalif. Waxaa la joogaa waqtigii aan dhammaanteen garab istaagi lahayn dadkeenna reer Baydhabo iyo reer Beledweyne, si looga hortago dhiig-daadin hor leh.

Former HSM’s dereliction of his duties and his authoritarianism have been glaringly obvious. He has violated his oath of office by usurping the powers of all state institutions, including those of the parliament and the judiciary. He sought to centralize power and exclude Puntland and Jubaland — not to mention Somaliland — from the governing process. This undermines the federal system and risks the unity of the Somali people. He also altered the constitution to serve his blind ambition to remain in power beyond his mandate. Moreover, he perpetuated violence in Ras Kamboni and in Baidoa, causing the deaths of many Somali citizens. He has promoted patronage and clientelism, leading to unprecedented corruption. He pillaged the nation’s meager resources and plundered public and private properties alike. His transgressions have no limit. He refused to abide by the Supreme Court’s decision confirming the end of his mandate on 15 May 2026, rendering unconstitutional and invalid any authority he claims after that date. Shockingly but not surprising, he has repeatedly violated all binding religious and traditional norms, including disregarding the sacrosanct role of respected tribal leaders, by risking the life of Ugaas Cabdirisaaq Ugaas Cabdullaahi Ugaas Faracadde and ignoring unabashedly the clarion call of Ugaas Yuusuf Ugaas Xasan Ugaas Khalif. It is time for all of us to show solidarity with our people in Baidoa and Beledweyne to prevent further bloodshed.

Check out 'A rebuttal: “Awad Misses the Point: Deni’s Parliamentary Address Should Be Judged by Leadership, Not a Technical Audit”' on WardheerNews website wardheernews.com/a-rebuttal-…

Former President HSM's speech of yesterday, 25 October 2026, was devoid of substance. It was a feeble attempt to gaslight the Somali people. His obfuscations and false claims of democratic progress and electoral success reveal a fundamental misunderstanding of the essence of democracy and elections. Equally perplexing is his dismissive attitude toward the country's dire political, economic and security situation, and toward the risks his unconstitutional actions pose to the sovereignty and unity of the Somali people. His one-party elections are neither credible nor peaceful. The violent conflict in South West, and the danger of a similar outcome in Hiiraan, expose how misleading his pronouncements are. For him, these sham elections are merely instruments of a power grab driven by dictatorial impulses. Let us hope that this time he is sincere in his invitation to dialogue, and that, unlike his previous attempts, it is not a ploy to prolong his unconstitutional stay in power. This may be his last chance to redeem himself and to spare the nation an uncertain future.

Khudbaddii shalay ee madaxweynihii hore Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud waxay isugu jirtay aqoon xumo dowladnimo iyo mid diineed iyo dulmi been abuur. Sidaa darteed waxaa nagu waajib ah inaan ummadda Soomaaliyeed uga digno hagardaamada iyo halista hadalkiisu leeyahay. Aqoon xumada dowladnimo ee ka muuqatay hadalka madaxweynihii more waxay ku saabsan tahay fahamkiisa khaldan ee dimoqraadiyadda iyo doorashada. Dimoqraadiyaddu waa ilaalinta, horumarinta iyo u adeegidda danta guud ee ummadda. Waa ku dhaqanka dastuurka dalka. Waa uhoggaansamida awoodaha hay’adaha dowladnimo ee isdheellitiraya. Ma aha sida Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud yeelay dastuur beddelasho si aad kursiga usii joogtid. Ma aha afduubka awoodaha baarlamaanka, tan fulinta ee golaha wasiirrada iyo tan garsoorka ee dhowridda shuruucda dalka oo ah sida uu ugu takri falay. Ma aha dayacidda danta guud ee ummadda dhan siyaasadeed, mid dhaqaale, mid amni iyo mid midnimo uu ka doortay dan gaar ah, kalitalisnimo, boob dhaqaale faqri dhaliyey, cabburin iyo colaad hurin iyo kala geyn dadkii wada dhashay. Sidoo kale doorashadu ma aha dadka oo codkooda loo afduubo hal xisbi iyo dan shaqsi ah si loo boobo awoodda siyaasadeed sida uu ka yeelay Benaadir, Galmudug iyo Hirshabeelle iyo boobkii Koonfur Galbeed dhaliyey dhiig weli daadanya. Waxaas oo jira oo aan wada ognahay, marka laga reebo inta wax la dhacday, ayuu ku dooday in dalka horumar gaaray. Waa been iyo calaamadaha naf-jecleysi dareen-la’aaneed (narcissisim). Waxay isoo xasuusisay oraahdii loo tiriyey boqoraddii Fransiiska Marie Antoinette ee ahayd “may cunaan doolshe (cake)” iyo tii Xasan Sheekh ee ahayd masaakiinta maxaa ka galay dabaqyada aan dhisanayo!! Dimoqraadiyadda dhabta ah iyo doorashooyinka runta ah ma aha hadaf ee waa dariiq lagu gaaro maamul wanaag iyo dowlad dhis fiican looguna adeego danta guud ee ummadda oo ah nolol karaama leh iyo horumar dhan kasta ah. Madaxweynihii hore Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud siduu ugu baahnaa cid barta dimoqraadiyadda, doorashooyinka iyo dowlad wanaagga ayuu ubaahan yahay cid barta diinta Quraanka iyo Diinta Islaamka. Aqoon faham xumadiisa diimeed waxaa tusaale u ah soo daliisashadiisa khaldan ee Aayadda Quraanka ah: وشاورهم في الأمر فإذا عزمت فتوكل على الله ان الله يحب المتوكلين Tan koowaad, isagu nabi iyo rasuul midna ma aha inkastoo uu ku kadsoomi karo awoodda iyo dadka uheesaya. Aayaddu waxay la hadlaysaa Nabi Maxamed عليه الصلاة والسلام Tan labaad, wuxuu yiri “waa inay noo kale caddahay talinta iyo la tashiga”. Wuxuu uhaystaa sida ka muuqata hadalkiisa inuu isagu leeyahay talinta. Dadkuna inay leeyihiin la tashi uusan ku khasbanayn inuu raaco oo uu uqaatay فإذا عزمت inay u oggolaatay. Talinta waxaa iska leh dadweynaha isagu waa adeege ay ahayd inuu ku shaqeeyo taladooda isagoo umaraya hay’adaha loo xilsaaray soda baarlamaanka marka waqtiga xilkiisu dhammaadana si toos ah ayaa dadku utalinayaan ee halloo sheego. Tan saddexaad, فإذا عزمت فتوكل على الله waxaa macaheedu yahay marka talo loo dhan yahay la gaaro qofka loo xilsaaro Ilaah ha utalo saarto fulinteeda ee ma aha halla yimaado talo uu isagu iska leeyahay oo khilaasan go’aankii loo dhammaa ee la raacay. Ugu dambayntii, waxaan odaga kula talin lahaa: 1) Inuu dib isu dhagaysto oo isagu ismaqlo wuxuu hore uyiri iyo wuxuu hadda leeyahay intuusan cid kale maqal ama intuusan isgadgadin oo hadba xaalad galin sida laga soo sheegay. 2) Inuu ogaado dadka Soomaaliyeed ee uu la hadlay inaysan ahayn inta la jirta ee ay ka mid yihiin dadka reer Puntland, dadka reer Jubbaland, dadka reer Koonfur Galbeed, dadka reer Hiiraan, dadka badan ee reer Muqdisho oo ay ka mid yihiin saaxiibbadaadii hore, masuuliyiin hore iyo labadii madaxweyne ee laba mar si sharafleh kuugu wareejiyey xilka iyo dadka reer Somaliland (hadday weli xisaabta kuugu jiraan). 2) Maddaama uu jecel yahay inuu masaajidda ka khudbeeyo, ha dhagaysto oo haku camal falo Aayadda: يا أيها الذين امنو لم تقولون مالا تفعلون. صدق الله العظيم.

Qiimeynta Khudbaddii Madaxweyne Siciid Cabdullahi Deni ka jeediyey kalfadhigii 59aa ee Golaha Wakiillada Puntland, maanta oo ah 25 October 2026. Madaxweyne Deni wuxuu khudbaddiisa ku sheegay inuu ka warbixinayo xaaladda ay Puntland ku sugan tahay iyo guud ahaan tan Soomaaliya. Sidaa darteed waxaa la filayey warbixin ku dhisan xog-ururin lagu saleeyay tirakoob cilmiyeysan ee xaaladda dhaqaale, bulsho, siyaasad iyo amni ee Puntland. Filashadaas waxay ahayd mid lagu hingoobay. Khudbadduna wey ka marnayd xog la isku hallayn karo. Si aan taas uhubinno aan isla fiiriinno wuxuu Madaxweynuhu inoo sheegay iyo wuxuusan inoo sheegin. Wuxuu inoo sheegay waxaa ka mid ahaa, tusaale ahaan: 1. In Puntland horumar ballaaran gaartay. 2. In ciidan badan la qoray lana tababaray. 3. In ciidammo HSM soo abaabulay meesha laga saaray. 4. In hub sidasho la mamnuucay oo amni ballaaran jiro. 5. In burcad-badeed lasoo afjaray. 6. In jidad badan la dhisay sida kuwa Garoowe. Qaar kalena lawado dhismahooda sida kan isku xira Gaalkacyo iyo Xaraf, iyo kan Ceel Daahir. 7. In shaqaalaha mushaarkooda la bixiyo. 8. In colaad beelaha qaarkood ah la xalliyey. 9. Inuu booqday Mudug, Bari iyo Raas Casayr tabashooyinkoodiina wax laga qabtay, qaar kalena la dersayo. 10. Inuusan samayn doonin wax mustaqbilka dowladnimada Puntland ku saabsan isagoon dadka kala tashan. 11. In HSM dowladnimadii Soomaaliya khatar galiyey. 12. In dadka Soomaaliyeed katashadaan khatar HSM Soomaaliya galiyey. Waxa uusan inoo sheegin: 1. In Puntland marayso meeshii ugu xumayd dhaqaale ahaan intii Puntland jirtay (sida ay ii sheegeen ganacsato reer Puntland). 2.Tirada ciidanka la qoray iyo kuwa la tababaray. 3. In ciiddammada uu sheegayo oo qaar la laayey, qaarna la heshiiyey ay ahaayeen ciiddammo jiritaankoodu ay ka horreeyeen maamulkiisa iyo kan HSM labada. HSM ka horna dagaal ku dhexmaray Boosaaso iyo Garoowe. Sababta hadda loo weerarayna ay tahay mid siyaasadeed ee aysan ahayn mid amni. 4. In go’aannada mamnuucidda hubku ay tahay cabburin siyaasadeed ee aysan ahayn dhowridda sharciga iyo amnig. Dad badan oo reer Puntland ahna darteed ugu dhinteen Boosaaso, Qardho iyo Gaalkacyo. 5. In dagaalka burcad-badeedka lagu dilay dad aan burcad-badeed ahayn. 6. In jidadka Garoowe lagu dhisay lacag Bangiga Adduunka (World Bank) oo soo socotay 10 sano iyo $1 oo laga qaado dadka reer Garoowe. Jidka Ceel-Daahir waxaa lasoo bilaabaywaqtigii maamulkii Cabdiweli Gaas, lacagta lagu dhisayana waxaa lagaa qaadaa gaadiidka shacabka Puntland. 7. Inaan ciidanka iyo shaqaalaha rayidka ah aysan si joogta ah uhelin mushaarkooda. 8. In kalsooni darrada udhaxaysa beelaha Puntland ay marayso meeshii ugu xumayd si colaaddii maalin dhawayd ka dhacday Qardho ay muujinayso. 9. Socdaalladiisii Imaaraadka iyo Kenya natiijadoodii. 10. In Puntland go’doon uga jirto Soomaaliya inteeda kale iyo inuu isagu gacan weyn ku lahaa doorashada HSM. Ugu dambayntii, khudbadda Madaxweyne Deni waxaa ku jira saddex qodob oo muhiim ah, rajo fiicanna leh haddii uu hirgalintooda si dhab uga shaqeeyo. Saddexda qodob waa: 10. In maamulkiisu dadka reer Puntland kala tashanayo arrimaha muhiimka u ah mustaqbalka Puntland. 11. In HSM khatar ku yahay dowladnimda Soomaaliya. Ka hortagiisana si dhab ah la isaga kaashado. 12. In dadka Soomaaliyeed isugu yimaadaan wadatashi ku saabsan sidii looga hortagi lahaa khatar HSM ku yahay dowladnimada Soomaaliya - haddii loo baahdana Puntland martigaliso.

I wish to congratulate my friend Mustafe M. Omer on his historic reelection as the President of the Somali Region State of Ethiopia. I wish him success in his responsibility, and for the brave people of the Somali Region peace, progress and prosperity.

Dear Dr. Abdiwahab, let me provide further clarifications in response to your misrepresentations: 1. As I have made it abundantly clear, the 4.5 power-sharing formula was adopted in Arta (Djibouti) as a temporary conflict-resolution mechanism and as a criterion for allocating parliamentary seats in the absence of a census. Ethiopia and your “bogeyman,” Gabre, were not involved in any way and were even present in Djibouti during the 8 months the conference was going on. In fact the Ethiopia regime opposed the Transitional National Government that resulted from Arta and labeled it as terrorist and Islamist. And your farther information, I have never met Gabre. The Arta peace process was managed purely the Somalis, while the people and government of Djibouti provided support as a host. I was there. You were not. Referring to unspecified “academic literature” will not give your erroneous claim any authority. 2. You appear unaware of the fallacy in your “majority versus minority” argument. In my post, I made that clear by placing the terms (majority/minority) in parentheses to indicate that the claim is unsubstantiated. You are the one implicitly advancing it. I also don’t understand what you mean by the “higher office,” but the Somali groups you mentioned held prominent positions, including first deputy speaker of parliament and key ministerial posts. 3. Somalia is a sovereign state, recognized by the international community, with highly entrepreneurial and creative people. It does not require validation from you or your colleagues. The shortcomings and challenges you mentioned are not insurmountable. Many of today’s developed countries faced similar challenges in the past. Despite these issues, Somalia has the potential for a better future than some countries in the neighborhood that you love cheering for. 4. Many of the Somalia’s political elite are closely attuned to the needs of their people and have demonstrated leadership and statesmanship that surpass those you tend to idolize. 5. Finally, being Kenyan and Ethiopian is not an accusation. I have the utmost respect for the citizens of these sisterly countries. Likewise, I never denied Somali nationality for you—or for any other Somali. However, citizenship and nationality are not the same. One can be Kenyan or Ethiopian in citizenship and Somali in nationality at the same time. Citizenship obligates one to the systems and laws of one’s state, while people of the same nationality may also be accountable to other states where they hold citizenship. Therefore, my loyalty is first to my fellow citizens, then to those who share my nationality, and finally to humanity as a whole.

One of the misfortunes that has befallen our nation—besides the collapse of our state and the civil war from which we have begun to recover—is that we have become an open field for many who know little about us to shamelessly caricature us out of ignorance or malice. Some use foul language like: “You don’t exist” or “You are parasites” when describing us. Others go further by claiming, in ignorance, that our constitution is owned by Gabre, or—more egregiously—by equating South Africa’s defunct apartheid and India’s caste system to our political system. Sadly, some Somali citizens, including prominent intellectuals, openly praise those hurling these insults or justify their malfeasance. It is about time we spoke up, exposed their ignorance, and set the record straight. Let me start with three clarifications: 1. Although we have fallen once and still face serious challenges in our political culture, state-building, and governance practices, Somalia stands a better chance today in its democratic future than many in our neighborhood—the reader can guess the countries I am referring to. However, to realize our potential, we need to stay the course and effect the reform of our institutions so that they are responsive, representative, transparent, effective, and accountable to our people. 2. The 4.5 political formula was established during the Arta (Djibouti) peace process that gave birth to the third republic of Somalia. It was brilliantly devised as a temporary conflict-resolution mechanism for power sharing. It served as a criterion for political representation in the absence of a census, and it worked successfully as conceived: it helped end the civil war. It also gave voice and enabled strong representation for many Somali groups that had been underrepresented in previous governments. The “.5” is not a person cut in half, as ridiculously claimed by those who tend to misinform. Rather, it is a means of calculating and apportioning a number of parliamentary seats at the People’s House. It corresponds to the allocation of 35 seats to groups that were underrepresented in the past. In effect, this is little more than half of the 60 seats allocated to four “major” groupings. The outcome is that many of the “major” clans actually hold less representation in parliament than some “minority” clans. This is comparable to how parliamentary seats are distributed in many countries, including Kenya and Ethiopia. 3. Col. Gabre was not at Arta. He, and his country, had no role in the genesis of our constitution. It was the ingenuity and efforts of the Somali people that enabled us to chart a path out of civil war and state collapse. I am confident that we will resolve our differences and overcome the remaining obstacles to achieving good governance and full sovereignty in Somalia

It is striking how some Somali intellectuals are willing to harshly criticize—and indeed condemn—the dictatorial impulses of would-be dictators in our country, as they should. Yet they stumble when it comes to adequately explaining away far worse situations in other countries, such as Eritrea. I want to remind them: nothing justifies tyranny or totalitarianism—at home or abroad—whether it is done in the name of nationalism, social cohesion, state sovereignty, or fear of a belligerent neighbor. Totalitarianism is anathema to all of that. Preserving human dignity is the raison d’être of the State.

You are right, we always had frank conversations about our differences in political philosophy. As I have already mentioned I am open to us debating these issues.

There are some Somalis who are more Eritrean than Somali - to be precise they love Isaias Afwerki than any Somali. One of those people is Dr. Ali S Faqi. I am not saying this lightly; I have experiences to prove it, and I will leave that for another time. For now, let me respond to his misinformed reaction to my debate with Prof. Mohamed Hassan: 1. The difference between Ali Faqi and myself is obviously “ideological”. He believes in dictatorship, where the wishes and whims of the “strongman” leader matter more than rights and well being of the citizens. I believe in democracy, where the rights and well being of the citizens are fundamental to the progress and effective functioning of any state. He and I had that discussion when I was the minister of foreign affairs and he was our ambassador to Belgium. 2. He wondered whether I was “serious or provocative” when I argued that Mogadishu is more developed than Asmara. Let me reassure him: I was serious. I was responding to his ideological comrade who claimed - ignorantly - that “Somalia doesn’t exist” and that we don’t have electricity, among other things. I have been to Asmara and I lived in Mogadishu. I can confidently state that many Somali cities - let alone Mogadishu - are more developed than Asmara, in terms of access to essentials and modern amenities such as electricity, internet, telephones, restaurants, hotels and more. But more importantly, I was referring to the freedom and the liberty of the people which are the hallmark of human dignity and the true measure of development. By that standard, which Ali Faqi apparently doesn’t recognize, Mogadishu is far more developed than depressing Asmara - not only in high-rise buildings. 3. In my debate, I acknowledged there is much that is wrong with our political culture, governance and state building that we must improve. However, Somalia still has a potentially more promising future than Eritrea—especially if you consider the freedom and the liberty that our people enjoy in engaging politics, practicing religion, creating businesses, traveling when and where they want, which is sadly not available to the Eritreans because of their regime. 4. He said I should study Eritrea! He needs to be educated that I know more about the history of Eritrea than he. He shouldn’t confuse his closeness and love for Afework with knowledge about Eritrea and its people. 5. I am open to debate him on all of these.

Waxaan siiyey waraysi Omar Ali barnaamijkiisa Diiradda ee SPTV. Waxaan uga jawaabay shakiga dadka qaar ka muujiyeen go’aankii taariikhiga ahaa ee Maxkamadda Sare ku diidday doorasho ku-sheeggii HSM ee Galmudug. facebook.com/share/v/19UQZXT…